Wednesday, September 30, 2009

UN Indigenous Human Rights, Sept 30, 2009

HRC Discusses rights of Indigenous peoples and HR Bodies and Mechanisms

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First Peoples Human Rights Coalition Wed, Sep 30, 2009 at 9:08 AM
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From the UN Press Release below:



KENNETH DEER, of Indigenous World Association, said that they were dismayed that indigenous representatives who had travelled here over the weekend had not been able to get on the list of the interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur because non-governmental organizations with a permanent presence had taken much of the speaking time available. Whenever possible, indigenous delegates had to be given the opportunity to represent themselves. In their view, an important role of the Expert Mechanism was to advise the Human Rights Council on how to apply the rights contained in the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. They also welcomed the report on indigenous people's right to education and the fact that this study had recognized education as a treaty right.

MATTIAS AHREN, of Saami Council, said the reports of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples were excellent, and the Human Rights Council received them in a positive spirit. The Expert Mechanism dwelled on the most pressing issues for indigenous peoples, and this was an excellent precedent. The report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous peoples was also welcome, in particular the addenda on specific situations. Sweden had so far ignored the Special Rapporteur's efforts, and this was another example of Sweden's ignoring the United Nations constant attempts to protect the rights of the Saami people. The recent adoption of the Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples was a step forward, as it recognised the definition of the term "peoples", a term of particular interest to indigenous peoples. The Human Rights Council should review its organisational work when it came to the possibility to address it during the issue of indigenous rights.

WILTON LITTELCHILD, of International Organization of Indigenous Resource Development, said that he wished to underscore the importance of the Expert Mechanism Advice No. 1 (2009) on the "Treaty Right to Education". This recognition was consistent with their elders' oral testimony which was a very important consideration and a critical element for their ancestors at treaty time. The International Organization of Indigenous Resource Development further reminded that any "fiscal caps" on education must now be removed if these rights were to be implemented as clarified; otherwise they would continue to be treaty and basic human rights violations. Finally, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people was thanked for his report, particularly for the substantive consideration of the duty to consult, which however was not only a legal duty, but also an international legal principle of treaty-making that required mutual consent.
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UNITED NATIONS

Press Release
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HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL DISCUSSES RIGHTS OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES AND HUMAN RIGHTS BODIES
AND MECHANISMS

http://www.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane.nsf/view01/876D541A30E7E9E6C1257640001BE4E4?opendocument
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Human Rights Council
AFTERNOON

28 September 2009


The Human Rights Council this afternoon heard presentations of the reports of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people, and of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which were followed by an interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur and a general debate on human rights bodies and mechanisms respectively.

James Anaya, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people, presenting his reports, said the main report highlighted his efforts to coordinate his work with other United Nations mechanisms and with relevant regional institutions. It also included a part to the major issue of the duty of States to consult with indigenous peoples on matters affecting them. Within the terms of his mandate, he had engaged in a range of activities to monitor the human rights conditions of indigenous peoples worldwide to promote steps to improve those conditions. The activities he had carried out fell within a number of interrelated areas of work: promoting good practices; thematic studies; country reports; and responding to cases of alleged human rights violations. In connection with promoting good practices he had worked to advance legal, administrative, and programmatic reforms at the domestic level to implement the standards of the United Nations Declaration on the
Speaking as concerned countries on the Special Rapporteur's reports were Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Chile, Nepal, Panama and Peru.

In the interactive debate on the report of the Special Rapporteur, speakers noted, among other issues, that Governments should ensure that there was a greater climate of trust, and a social dialogue between the Government and civil society, including indigenous peoples, to find agreed solutions and mechanisms to work together in the fight against violence and impunity. Speakers also commended and supported the particular emphasis the Special Rapporteur placed on developing a regular cooperative dialogue with all relevant actors. The work of the Special Rapporteur, in cooperation with the United Nations Forum on Indigenous peoples and the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, would help in the future to consolidate the rights of indigenous peoples, without duplication of work. It was important to coordinate between the mechanisms and mandates of the United Nations system for the protection and promotion of the human rights of indigenous peoples, and to highlight the climate of cooperation between them, as well as between all, including States and civil society, working for the rights of these communities, in particular with regards to good practices and collective participation.

Jannie Lasimbang, Chairperson of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, presenting the report of the second session, said the thematic focus of the session was guided by resolutions 6/36 and 9/7 of the Human Rights Council; the two main items were the presentation of and discussion on the draft report on the study on lessons learned and challenges to achieve the implementation of the right of indigenous peoples to education, and the implementation of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples at the regional and national levels. The debate revealed that indigenous peoples were still facing serious problems as a result of continued denial of their rights and freedoms, including serious human rights violations. Many stressed that it was extremely important to focus on reconciliation as an important precondition for making the Declaration a reality on the ground. The Expert Mechanism was very encouraged by positive responses from States and indigenous peoples alike to its work, and looked forward to building its work on this spirit of dialogue and cooperation, as it was only through common efforts and constructive dialogue that true progress could be made towards the common goal of ensuring full implementation of the rights of indigenous peoples.

In the general debate on human rights bodies and mechanisms, speakers said, among other things, that national human rights institutions had a crucial role to play in promoting the rights of indigenous peoples, and encouraged States to ensure that they had strong national human rights institutions established according to the Paris Principles that could effectively protect and promote the rights of indigenous peoples. They were encouraged to develop and strengthen their activities to protect and promote the rights of indigenous peoples. Special Procedures and the mandate holders had a core function in regard to the Council's mission to ensure the effective enjoyment of human rights by all; their independence had to be respected in all cases, and it was important that they had the possibility to act and inform the Council on human rights violations. Several speakers also supported the recommendation of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples that the international community synchronise indigenous-related reports from the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Special Rapporteur, and the Expert Mechanism, so as to facilitate the participation of representatives of indigenous peoples, and to strengthen cooperation among these mechanisms.

Speaking in the discussions were Sweden on behalf of the European Union, Australia, Columbia, Norway, New Zealand, Ecuador, Denmark, Mexico, Venezuela, Canada, Brazil, United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, United States, Finland, Morocco, Russian Federation, Senegal, Japan, and Latvia on behalf of fifty-four countries.

National Human Rights Institutions speaking were the Canadian Human Rights Commission, Commission of Human Rights of the Philippines, and Conseil Consultatif des Droits de l'Homme du Maroc. NGOs taking the floor included the International Federation of Human Rights Leagues, Colombian Commission of Jurists, Conectas Dereitos Humanos, Permanent Assembly for Human Rights, American Association of Jurists, Indigenous World Association, Saami Council, and International Organization of Indigenous Resource Development.

The Council will continue its general debate on human rights bodies and mechanisms after it concludes its discussions on human rights situations in Palestine and other occupied Arab territories.

When the Council meets at 10 a.m. on Tuesday, 29 September, it will discuss follow-up to the ninth Special Session and the presentation of the report of the Fact-Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict.

Documentation

The Council has before it the report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people, James Anaya (A/HRC/12/34 and Adds.1-10), which provides a reflection on the Special Rapporteur's mandate in relation to those of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues and the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples of the Human Rights Council, and notes areas for cooperation. There follows a discussion on the practical framework of the Special Rapporteur's work, including a summary of his activities as they relate to four principal areas of work: promoting good practices; thematic studies; country reports; and cases of alleged human rights violations. The second half of the report is devoted to an analysis of the duty of States to consult with indigenous peoples on matters affecting them, with the hope of offering insight into how that core issue may be addressed in the future by Governments, indigenous peoples, the United Nations system, and other stakeholders. Among recommendations are that States should develop mechanisms for determining and analysing if, and the extent to which, proposed legislative or administrative measures, including those for natural resource extraction or other development activities, affect indigenous peoples' particular interests, in order to determine the need for special consultation procedures well before the measures are taken.

A first addendum to the above report is a summary of communications transmitted and replies received (A/HRC/12/34/Add.1), and contains summaries of the communications on alleged human rights violations sent and responses received between 10 June 2008 and 26 August 2009, which are listed alphabetically by country, and within each country, by date. It also contains summaries of Government responses received during the past year to communications that were included in past communications reports.

A second addendum is the Special Rapporteur's report on the situation of human rights of indigenous peoples in Brazil, which is based on information gathered during a visit to Brazil in August 2008 and on subsequent research and exchanges of information. The Special Rapporteur notes that the Government has manifested a commitment to advance the rights of indigenous peoples in accordance with relevant international standards, having ratified ILO Convention No. 169 concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples and supported adoption of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Brazil also has important constitutional and other legal protections for indigenous peoples, and its Government has developed a number of significant programmes in areas of indigenous land rights, development, health and education. Nonetheless, indigenous peoples of Brazil continue to face multiple impediments to the full enjoyment of their human rights and further efforts are needed to ensure that indigenous peoples are able to fully exercise their right to self-determination within the framework of a Brazilian State that is respectful of diversity. The report concludes with recommendations to different actors, including that the Government make every effort to enhance the control of indigenous peoples over their communities, territories and natural resources, including providing effective recognition of indigenous peoples' own institutions of authority and customary laws.

A third addendum to the above report contains a report of the situation of indigenous peoples in Nepal (A/HRC/12/34/Add.3), and follows a visit to Nepal by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous peoples and focuses on the indigenous peoples of Nepal, comprehensively referred to as Adivasi Janajati. It reviews the human rights situation of the Adivasi Janajati, analysing the ongoing process of constitution-making and political transition as it relates to them and assessing the implementation of Nepal's expressed commitment to secure their rights. The Special Rapporteur is encouraged by expressions of commitment by the Government to advance the rights of Adivasi Janajati, which is manifested by the ratification of the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 (No. 169) of the International Labour Organization and the Government's support for the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. At the same time, he notes a number of ongoing human rights concerns related to a history of discrimination against the Adivasi Janajati. Conscious of the challenges involved in Nepal's period of transition to democracy, the Special Rapporteur offers several recommendations that may serve to enhance the recognition and protection of the rights of the indigenous peoples in line with the Government's commitments.

A fourth addendum to the above report on contains a Preliminary Note on the Situation of Indigenous Peoples in Botswana (A/HRC/12/34/Add.4). The Special Rapporteur carried out a visit to Botswana, by invitation of the Government, between 19 and 28 March 2009. The purpose of the visit was to shed light on the particular challenges that some of the many diverse indigenous peoples of Botswana are facing, especially in relation to their distinct cultural identities and marginalized conditions, with a view towards developing practical solutions to address these challenges. Following the conclusion of his visit to Botswana, the Special Rapporteur provided the Government with a written overview of his initial observations and requested that the Government provide clarification on a number of issues that were identified during the visit. It is apparent to the Special Rapporteur that the Government of Botswana is committed to building a society in which all are equal and to elevating the economic and social conditions of the country's people. The Special Rapporteur notes a number of important, and in many ways exemplary, initiatives undertaken by the Government to address the situation of historically and still marginalized indigenous peoples in Botswana, particularly the Basarwa (or San), especially with respect to improving their access to crucial services, including health and education, and creating opportunities for income-generation.

Addendum five entitled observations on the situation of the Charco la Pava and other communities affected by the hydroelectric Project Chan 75 (Panamá) is available in Spanish only.

A sixth addendum, containing a report of the Special Rapporteur's mission to Chile, is available in Spanish only.

A seventh addendum contains the conclusions and recommendations of the International Expert Seminar on the Role of United Nations Mechanisms with a Specific Mandate Regarding the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which was held from 4 to 6 February 2009 in Madrid with the Expert Mechanism on the rights of indigenous peoples, the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, and the Special Rapporteur, as well as a group of experts from and members of indigenous peoples' organizations from various regions. The main objective of the meeting was to promote an informal dialogue among the members of the three United Nations mechanisms to better coordinate their work, as well as their activities with other United Nations agencies and bodies. Among conclusions was that specific situations of human rights violations were a priority area of work for the Special Rapporteur. The Permanent Forum and the Expert Mechanism were therefore recommended to develop measures to channel specific allegations of human rights violations presented by indigenous peoples, including to the Special Rapporteur and other relevant mechanisms mandated to address such allegations.

Addendum eight, presenting the conclusions of the Special Rapporteur's mission to Peru, is available in Spanish only.

A ninth addendum, a preliminary note on the situation of indigenous peoples in Colombia, is available in Spanish only.

A tenth addendum to the above report contains a Preliminary Note on the situation of Indigenous Peoples of Australia (A/HRC/12/34/Add.10) which notes that the Special Rapporteur, at the invitation of the Government, conducted an official mission to Australia from 17 to 28 August 2009. This preliminary report provides an overview of the Special Rapporteur's initial observations following the conclusion of the visit. His full report on the situation of indigenous peoples in Australia, with conclusions and recommendations, will be provided at a later date. The Note states that the Government of Australia is to be commended for taking significant steps to improve the human rights and socio-economic conditions of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples of Australia, as well as for its recent expression of support for United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and for its apology to the victims of the Stolen Generation. After several days in Australia listening and learning, however, the Special Rapporteur observed a need to develop new initiatives and reform existing ones—in consultation and in real partnership with indigenous peoples—to conform with international standards requiring genuine respect for cultural integrity and self-determination. On serious disparities between indigenous and non-indigenous parts of society, including in terms of life expectancy, basic health, education, unemployment, incarceration, children placed under care and protection orders, and access to basic services, the Government has developed and implemented a number of important initiatives in order to "close the gap" of indigenous disadvantage within a wide range of social and economic areas, with a stated emphasis on women and children, and these programmes must continue to be improved and strengthened.


Presentation of Reports by Special Rapporteur on Human Rights of Indigenous People

JAMES ANAYA, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people, said that in his written report to the Council, he described the range of activities he had engaged in since his last report. It highlighted his efforts to coordinate his work with other United Nations mechanisms and with relevant regional institutions. It also included a part on the major issue of the duty of States to consult with indigenous peoples on matters affecting them. He expressed his appreciation for the work of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and said that he fully embraced the Council's directive that he had to work in cooperation with the Expert Mechanism and the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. To this effect he had participated in a seminar to discuss methods of coordination among the three mechanisms. Within the terms of his mandate, he had engaged in a range of activities to monitor the human rights conditions of indigenous peoples worldwide to promote steps to improve those conditions. The activities he had carried out fell within a number of interrelated areas of work: promoting good practices; thematic studies; country reports; and responding to cases of alleged human rights violations.

In connection with promoting good practices he had worked to advance legal, administrative, and programmatic reforms at the domestic level to implement the standards of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and other relevant international instruments. He had also participated in several thematic seminars organized by non-governmental organizations, United Nations Agencies, indigenous organizations, and other stakeholders. On the duty of States to consult with indigenous peoples on matters affecting them, Mr. Anaya said that his aim was to offer practical insight on the nature of this duty an how it might be implemented. During the period under review he had completed reports on Brazil and Nepal after missions to those countries, and a report after a visit to Chile to follow-up on the report of his predecessor. He had also conducted missions to assess indigenous peoples' conditions in Botswana and Australia, and a follow-up visit to Colombia. Because of limitations of time, he would only offer now brief comments on his final reports on Brazil, Nepal and Chile. He referred the Council to the full text of his reports on those countries, and to documents containing his preliminary observations on Botswana, Australia and Colombia.

In Brazil, the Government already had in place important constitutional and other legal protections for indigenous peoples. Nevertheless, indigenous peoples of Brazil continued to face multiple impediments to the full enjoyment of their individual and collective human rights. On Nepal, he was encouraged by the Government's expressions of resolve to advance the rights of Adivasi Janajati. At the same time, he noted a number of ongoing human rights concerns related to a history of discrimination against the Adivasi Janajati and their lack of adequate participation in the political process. With regard to Chile, he recognized certain advances by the State towards compliance with the recommendations of his predecessor. He also noted that there remained significant challenges, especially in areas of consultation, land and resource rights, and Government policies and action related to acts of protest by Mapuche people.

On cases of alleged human rights violations of the human rights of indigenous peoples, he noted that during the period under review, he had received information about cases of alleged violations in countries of every continent. In two of the cases, involving different situations in Panama and Peru, he had issued detailed observations and recommendations, in the hope that they would be of use to the Governments. He was grateful to both Governments for their cooperation in his investigation. He however noted that a number of Governments had not responded to his communications requesting information on alleged human rights violations.

Statements by Concerned Countries

ANGELICA NAVARRO LLANOS (Bolivia), speaking as a concerned country, said it was appropriate for the Special Rapporteur to receive reports of human rights violations. His work in implementing the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples was appreciated. The reports issued by the Special Procedures were very important, and it was regretted that the presentation of some were very much delayed. The report did contain valuable information to be shared with the Council. In Bolivia, 62 per cent of the population stated that it was of indigenous origin. Since 2006 and the Government of the first Indigenous President, Evo Morales, there had been very many reforms to the benefit of indigenous peoples, and the Government had managed to generate significant increase for the Treasury, and had destined a certain part of this for the development of rural and indigenous communities. As far as the new status given to indigenous lands, the Institute for Agrarian Reform had seen new life, and 26 million hectares had seen new land titles over them, most of them granted to indigenous or rural communities. Indigenous knowledge was being included in the curriculum, and the Government was setting up universities and technical institutes in rural areas.

MOSADI K. RAMOTSHABI (Botswana), speaking as a concerned country, said that the country visit to Botswana in March 2009 was an attestation to Botswana's long-standing commitment to support, and cooperate with, the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous peoples, and other United Nations human rights mechanisms and bodies, in the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all. Botswana had been happy to receive the Special Rapporteur and to facilitate his visit in the country. This visit gave the Government an opportunity to dialogue constructively with the Special Rapporteur and offered an opportunity for introspection. The Botswana delegation however wished to underscore Botswana's position that all Botswanas were indigenous to the country. Botswana was pleased to note that the Special Rapporteur commended Botswana for the long-standing commitment and efforts to address the underdevelopment of remote area communities through various initiatives.

MURILO VIEIRA KOMNISKI (Brazil), speaking as a concerned country, welcomed the report of the Special Rapporteur on his visit to Brazil from 14 to 25 August 2008. Their approach was based on the spirit of dialogue and cooperation. In his visit to the country, the Government had provided broad, extensive and direct contact with various aspects of Brazilian indigenous reality. The Special Rapporteur's visit had included meetings with high-ranking federal officials as well as field visits. He had had the opportunity to clarify questions, in an open and cooperative spirit and had been assured direct and unimpeded access to all communities. According to the National Indian Foundation, there were 611 indigenous lands at different stages of registration process. The surface area covered by the 488 indigenous lands that had reached, at minimum the delimitation stage of the registration process, totalled 12.41 per cent of Brazil's national territory. As mentioned by the Special Rapporteur, Brazil had developed an advanced methodology to demarcate and register indigenous lands with full participation of indigenous peoples in all stages of the process. The duty to consult them had been clearly incorporated in the Brazilian legislation. On health matters, given the importance of nutritional well-being as a determining factor of overall health conditions, Brazil was dedicated to nutritional monitoring in indigenous communities, with special attention to mothers and children.

CARLOS PORTALES (Chile), speaking as a concerned country, said this dialogue would contribute towards the success of the Special Rapporteur's mandate and the promotion of human rights in Chile. The Government had begun to examine the report of the 14 of September and would continue to rely on the Special Rapporteur's support in implementing the national obligations. Chile had explained the situation of indigenous peoples in Chile to the Special Rapporteur, and had the opportunity to provide further information on recent developments and measures that had been adopted in this regard. Nineteen per cent of the indigenous peoples continued to be poor, a figure that had decreased considerably, and faster than for non-indigenous peoples. There was significant success in the targeting of social policies. On consultation and participation of indigenous peoples, as recommended by the Special Rapporteur's report, law 19/253 governed the participation of indigenous peoples, and meant that public services could apply the relevant part of indigenous legislation, allowing for a national process of consultation with indigenous peoples. The recommendation aiming to create a greater climate of trust between indigenous communities and authorities had also been borne in mind. Relating to the articles of the Convention which the Constitutional Tribunal had marked out for attention, four educational institutions were considering amending their statutes.

DINESH BHATTARAI (Nepal), speaking as a concerned country, said that as a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-cultural country, Nepal attached great importance to the work of the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous peoples. Nepal voted for the adoption of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples two years ago in the United Nations General Assembly, and Nepal later ratified the International Labour Organization Convention no. 169 on indigenous and tribal peoples, and the Government had prepared a comprehensive National Plan of Action for the implementation of this Convention. Further, the 2007 Interim Constitution of Nepal guaranteed the right to equality to every citizen and provided equal protection of law. Nepal also recognized the right to impart basic education in mother tongues of all communities. Further, empowerment of Adivasi Janajatis and their enhanced participation in decision-making positions remained among the priorities of the Government, and a reservation and quota system had been introduced to ensure fair representation of all communities. Nepal was proud of its rich diversity, and this diversity had enriched Nepal's unique unity, social harmony and tolerance. Indigenous peoples had augmented these assets and made major contributions to the making of modern Nepal.

JOSE ISAAC ACOSTA (Panama), speaking as a concerned country, welcomed the report of the Special Rapporteur. Relating to the observations he had made in his report on the issues of the community of Charco La Pava, and other communities impacted by the hydroelectric project currently built by AES Panama, the delegation of Panama highlighted the efforts made by the current Government to resolve this issue. Panama could add today new elements to the report of the visit of the Special Rapporteur. Panama could serve as a best practice example for other similar situation. They had put up a mechanism to improve dialogue between the Government and indigenous people. The issue had been of real interest to the President and the Special Rapporteur had said that he was willing to work in hand with the Government on this issue. The Government had held five meetings with indigenous people and the top management of AES Panama. A time limit of two weeks had been set to find a satisfactory solution to all parties. Discussions had been marked by a climate of collaboration. At the request of indigenous people, surveys of affected families had been carried out. The results had been extremely useful. On the issues of the explosions, meetings had been held with the fire-fighter associations. Further, the Ministry of Health, supported by medical reports, had conduced that open-cast detonations had nothing to do with the health claims that had been made. On compensations and relocation, the Government had instructed the company and the indigenous people to start negations. There was already a draft agreement between both parties, announced the delegation; it would be made public in coming days. Indigenous people had also stated that they were not against development but were requesting respect for their human rights and their dignity. It was the duty of the State to provide this.

JOSE EDUARDO PONCE VIVANCO (Peru), speaking as a concerned country, said the visit of the Special Rapporteur to Peru was carried out as part of the open invitation extended by Peru to the Council's Special Procedures, as part of its commitment to all fundamental freedoms and human rights. The Government had received the report in a constructive spirit, and was reviewing it with great seriousness, as would be proved by the significant steps forward that had been taken so far. Some had accused the Government of perpetrating a massacre, with hundreds of killings, and mass graves, some even claiming genocide. The Rapporteur's report cast a true light on these accusations, and made it clear that what happened was nothing even close to genocide or gross human rights violations of indigenous peoples, forced disappearances, or any such gross human rights violations. The Special Rapporteur had found no concrete evidence on deaths over and above the confirmed deaths, nor of mass graves. Peru was very proud to be a democratic State, with the full rule of law, where human rights and fundamental freedoms were fully enforced, and the Government had the Constitutional obligation to protect public order and protect and promote the rights of all Peruvians. The conclusions and recommendations of the Special Rapporteur provided useful guidance.

Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of Indigenous People

ANNA UGGLA (Sweden), speaking on behalf of the European Union, said that the European Union wished to thank Mr. Anaya for his report. The European Union shared the view of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous peoples that close cooperation with other United Nations mechanisms and institutions constituted a fundamental aspect of his mandate. It was however equally important to avoid any duplication of work among these bodies. Further, what steps should be taken to enhance cooperation among indigenous groups, non-governmental organizations and other stakeholders, particularly with a view of preventing duplication of activities and better division of work, the European Union asked, also enquiring how the Special Rapporteur saw the main tasks of his mandate in this context, and asking the Special Rapporteur's view on how to achieve a better understanding of the roles and functions of these mechanisms among all stakeholders, in particular indigenous groups. Finally, the European Union would like to express its appreciation for the Special Rapporteur's work on identifying and promoting good practices, especially by offering technical and advisory assistance to interested States and other stakeholders.

CAROLINE MILLAR (Australia) welcomed the Special Rapporteur's interest in the rights of Australia's indigenous peoples at a time when this was a priority issue for the Australian Government. They looked forward to giving due consideration to the Special Rapporteur's full report when it was released. Australia appreciated the Special Rapporteur's acknowledgement of the Government's significant steps to improve the human rights and socio-economic conditions of indigenous Australians. The Government had committed to introducing legislation into Parliament this year to make sure that the measures under the Northern Territory Emergency Response conformed with their Racial Discrimination Act. How could Governments consult to ensure that particular attention was paid to the rights and special needs of indigenous elders, women, youth, children and persons with disabilities? When announcing Australia' support for the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Australia's Minster for Indigenous Affairs had recognised how important it was for indigenous Australians to have a voice and means to express it.

ANGELINO GARZON (Colombia) said for Colombia, the recent visit of the Special Rapporteur last July was of great importance. He had had the opportunity to meet and hold a dialogue with the President, Parliament, monitoring bodies, civil society, and representatives of indigenous peoples. He noted the efforts the Government was making for health and education for social development. Colombia shared the concern of the Special Rapporteur on the vulnerability of certain indigenous communities, agreeing with the Special Rapporteur that armed groups seemed entirely unfamiliar with international human rights and humanitarian standards, and the Government would be unstinting in its efforts to bring to justice those who had perpetrated such violations of human rights in Colombia. The State had made significant efforts to ensure that no violation of indigenous persons was tolerated. There was international recognition of the Colombian responsibility. The recommendations made by the Special Rapporteur and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights were approved. Colombia must ensure that there was a greater climate of trust, and a social dialogue between the Government and civil society, including indigenous peoples, to find agreed solutions and mechanisms to work together in the fight against violence and impunity.

BJORN OLAV MEGARD (Norway) said that Norway commended the work of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people and his emphasis on the promotion of good practices. In 2005, the Government of Norway and Samediggi, the Sami Parliament in Norway, agreed on specific procedures as to how consultations between Semediggi and State authorities were to be carried out. These procedures had led to increased awareness of the duty to consult, throughout the State apparatus. As for those annexes in the Special Rapporteur's report that regarded the new mineral act in Norway, proposals for legislation concerning Sami land rights and recourses outside of Finnmark County would soon be under consideration, and the Norwegian Government intended to engage in further consultations with Samediggi regarding these issues. In conclusion, Norway commended and supported the particular emphasis the Special Rapporteur placed on developing a regular cooperative dialogue with all relevant actors, and welcomed further dialogue between its Government and the Special Rapporteur.

WENDY HINTON (New Zealand) noted with interest the Special Rapporteur's discussion on the relationship between his mandate and other United Nations bodies that carried out work on indigenous rights, as well as on the duty to consult. New Zealand supported the recommendation contained in his report on strengthening efforts to improve coordination among the three mechanisms covering indigenous rights issues. They particularly supported his work to reduce duplication and increase complementarity between these mechanisms. Could the Special Rapporteur give further examples of the sorts of decisions he saw as affecting indigenous peoples in ways not felt by others in a multicultural society?

MARIA DEL CARMEN VIVAR (Ecuador) said there were very many common points being developed, including the special treatment to be given to indigenous peoples in the protection and promotion of their rights. The Special Rapporteur had made a valuable contribution in drafting a Chapter on Indigenous Peoples which had been carried out in the Constitutional Assembly of Ecuador. His report recognised that there were significant provisions in the Constitution which consolidated the rights of indigenous persons. The Constitution recognised the right to consultation as a collective right, meaning that the State should strive to promote a genuine, free, and informed dialogue. The work of the Special Rapporteur, in cooperation with the United Nations Forum on Indigenous Peoples and the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, would help in the future to consolidate the rights of indigenous peoples, without duplication of work.

PETER HERTEL RASMUSSEN (Denmark) said that Denmark fully agreed with the Special Rapporteur on the human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people that coordination and cooperation with the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues was a very important component in fulfilling the mandate of the Special Rapporteur. In this regard, did the Special Rapporteur see room for further improvement, Denmark asked. The Special Rapporteur was also to be commended for his very active role in investigating and reporting on the situations of indigenous peoples in selected areas through country visits. In this regard, how did the Special Rapporteur intend to organize his follow-up activities to these visits while conducting new visits in the coming years, Denmark asked. Further, what was the Special Rapporteur's immediate perception of the extent of the problem regarding States' duty to consult with indigenous peoples, Denmark asked. As for his reflections on the possible responsibility of private companies to respect the rights of indigenous peoples, including the principle of consultation, to what extent and in what ways did the Special Rapporteur expect to explore this topic further, Denmark asked.

JUAN JOSE IGNACIO GOMEZ CAMACHO (Mexico) said that Mexico had listened to the comments with great interest and noted that the recommendations made fully tallied with what they were doing in their own country, at the federal, state and local level. The Special Rapporteur had contributed to the recognition of the problems of indigenous people. Mexico was familiar with the concerns and how difficult it was to implement the recommendations. In Mexico consultation was part of the Constitution. There was a national plan on the rights of indigenous people in Mexico, which included polices targeted at their development, in order to broaden public activities and to ensure an improvement in the living conditions of indigenous people. The suggestions and recommendations were in Mexico's eyes invaluable, particularly those with regard to education. Mexico reiterated that its commitment was consistent with development with dignity, doing away with backwardness.

GERMAN MUNDARAIN HERNANDEZ (Venezuela) noted that the Special Rapporteur had said it was important to coordinate between the mechanisms and mandates of the United Nations system for the protection and promotion of the human rights of indigenous peoples, and to highlight the climate of cooperation between them, as well as between all, including States and civil society, working for the rights of these communities, in particular with regards to good practices and collective participation. The Constitution of Venezuela had a whole chapter on the recognition and protection of its peoples, including the indigenous peoples and communities, enshrining their collective property of their lands, the right to maintain and develop their ethnicity and culture, the right to political participation, and others. Venezuela was fully willing to continue to cooperate with the mandate of the Special Rapporteur, and was fully in favour of the rights of indigenous peoples and communities.

MANON BOISCLAIR (Canada) said that Canada would like to reiterate its support for the important role of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people. Canada further noted with appreciation Mr. Anaya's resolve to focus his work on the core issues in specific countries and specific situations of allegations of human rights violations. The Special Rapporteur also rightfully highlighted the importance of the coordination with the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues and the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and asked whether the Special Rapporteur continued to pursue his efforts in this area? Canada indicated that it would be interested to know if the Special Rapporteur also envisioned coordination with other bodies which dealt with individual complaints. Canada appreciated the Special Rapporteur's efforts to take a balanced approach on the delicate issue of the duty of States to consult with indigenous peoples on matters affecting their particular interests, and would be grateful for any views or guidance the Special Rapporteur may have to offer for situations where, despite efforts, consultations had reached an impasse.

TONYA GONELLA FRICHNER, of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, said that the final report of the North American Region Preparatory Meeting to the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues' eighth session called upon the Special Rapporteur to conduct an investigation on the human rights impact of international borders on indigenous people, in particular those whose lands and traditional territories were divided by international borders. Indigenous peoples would no doubt be able to submit information about specific situations if the Special Rapporteur decided to implement this critical investigation from a global perspective.

COURTNEY MUSSER (United States) said the United States welcomed the report of the Special Rapporteur for its insightful analysis of the overlapping mandates of the indigenous mechanisms in the United Nations system. Awareness-building of the key differences among the mandates, particularly the unique role of the Special Rapporteur, would hopefully reduce the frustration of misdirected requests for assistance or attention to possible human rights violations. The Special Rapporteur was congratulated for drawing attention to the fact that a lack of adequate consultation with indigenous peoples had in some countries led to anger and mistrust, which had spiralled into violence - his pragmatic approach, suggesting that the character of consultation procedures and their object were shaped by the specific situation was appreciated, and the Government agreed with the importance of adequate consultation to the effective implementation of Government programmes intended to improve the lives of all citizens, including indigenous peoples. It was essential to build confidence among all parties for the best public policies to emerge. The consultation process when properly carried out contributed to confidence building, and the formulation of effective policy.

PEKKA METSO (Finland) said that Finland would like to thank the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people for his excellent report. Finland highly appreciated the Special Rapporteur's reflections on the relationship between his mandate and other United Nations mechanisms dealing with indigenous issues, and particularly appreciated the Special Rapporteur's efforts to incorporate the gender perspective in his work and to pay special attention to the vulnerabilities of indigenous children. The report's focus on consultation and cooperation by States with indigenous peoples was also commendable. Finland stressed the need to consult indigenous peoples and to provide them with real opportunities to participate in decisions having an impact on their living conditions. Further, Finland agreed with Mr. Anaya that an important component of efforts to build good practices was a commitment to advance the rights of indigenous peoples in accordance with the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The Declaration could indeed be a very useful tool for further cooperation and partnership with indigenous peoples.

KATHERINA ROSE, of the Canadian Human Rights Commission, said that the experiences of Aboriginal peoples in Canada were a daily reminder of the most important human rights challenges facing their country. Over the past years, Canada had taken a number of steps to improve the situation of Aboriginal peoples and significant recent advances included the apology to survivors of Indian residential schools and the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission. However, Aboriginal peoples continued to represent one of the most disadvantaged populations in Canada; they had a higher unemployment rate and a lower personal income. Canada had yet to express support for the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

CECILIA RACHEL QUISUMBING, of Commission on Human Rights of the Philippines, said the Special Rapporteur should take note of the work of national human rights institutions, individually and collectively, as resources and partners in the work to monitor and protect the human rights of indigenous peoples. The Special Rapporteur may wish to study whether the consultation processes of international finance institutions that recommended and financed many large projects were compliant with human rights. National human rights institutions could play a very important role to open the channels for these consultations, and this was why they were often called the bridge between Government and civil society. Climate change and environmental concerns were top priorities for the United Nations and for many nations. Respecting the rights and culture of indigenous peoples could only benefit the world community.

SALOMON WANUCH, of International Federation of Human Rights Leagues, said the Peruvian Government was not only refusing to apply the recommendations of the Special Rapporteur, but was adopting measures affecting the indigenous peoples, and this could lead to a renewal of conflict. An impartial commission, as suggested by the Special Rapporteur, could impartially investigate the causes of the conflict, but this was not the case. The consultation process was being discussed, but the State continued to implement high-impact strategies in indigenous territories, without any discussion at all. The State should approve the indigenous consultation law, and cease the harassment of indigenous leaders.

ANA MARIA RODRIGUEZ, of Colombian Commission of Jurists, said that during his mission to Colombia, the Special Rapporteur on indigenous peoples had received numerous reports of grave and systematic violations of the human rights of indigenous peoples. This highlighted the non-compliance with the recommendations made by Mr. Stavenhagen on the occasion of his mission in Colombia in 2004. Further, the Colombian Commission of Jurists wished to express its preoccupation regarding the increasing militarization of indigenous territories in Colombia. Finally, the Colombian Commission of Jurists asked the Special Rapporteur to urge the Colombian Government to apply the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights of Indigenous Peoples, in particular by adopting appropriate means to prevent violations of the rights of indigenous peoples, by modifying the bill on consultations and by consulting indigenous peoples.

CAMILA LISSA ASANO, of Conectas Direitos Humanos, said that as pointed out in the Special Rapporteur's report, Brazil had important constitutional and legal protections which had been reinforced by international commitments. Much remained to be done however to assure respect for indigenous peoples and their political, social and organizational systems. Human rights violations in Brazil affecting indigenous peoples included extreme poverty, child mortality and violence that accentuated the polarization between indigenous and non-indigenous individuals. Due to discrimination, indigenous peoples still lacked access to effective mechanisms of participation in governmental and public forums. Brazil needed to guarantee the right to consultation set forth in International Labour Organization Convention 169.

ANA CRISTINA LOAIZA, of Permanent Assembly for Human Rights, said the situation of the rural and indigenous communities in Argentina was worthy of the attention of the Council, as there were common occurrences of brutal eviction, arbitrary arrest, discrimination and persecution of indigenous peoples as they defended their right to life and food, suffering discrimination of their rights to education and agriculture. There was open-cast mining, polluting the land and environment, with the complicity of the authorities. Millions of hectares of indigenous forest lands were being destroyed. The Government had the obligation to comply with the national Constitution, and there should be proper assessments of communities, who therefore suffered from vulnerability to eviction. Humanity needed the presence of indigenous peoples, they refused to disappear.

JAMES ANAYA, Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of Indigenous People, in his concluding remarks, said that he would like to thank all Government delegates who had provided useful comments and asked questions, as well as representatives of non-governmental organizations and indigenous peoples. The questions that had been asked fell into three areas: cooperation with the Expert Mechanism and other United Nations institutions; States' duty of consultation; and the work methods of the Special Rapporteur. Regarding coordination, as a practical matter, how could coordination be carried forward, the Special Rapporteur asked, stating that this could be addressed by maintaining regular contact. Mr. Anaya was happy to report that they had been able to do this; that they had met at the meetings of the Permanent Forum and Expert Mechanisms; they had developed specific work methods of coordination; and, in attending the Expert Mechanisms, arrangements were made for the Special Rapporteur to meet with representatives of indigenous people representatives. Regarding other mechanisms, the Special Rapporteur had endeavored to coordinate his own work with that of treaty bodies, and he had met with members of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination.

As for the questions on consultation, Mr. Anaya said that the failure and lack of adequate consultation was a problem in almost every country he had looked into, hence the focus of his report. Lack of consultation had indeed been a core problem in those cases that he had addressed and that were discussed this afternoon, Mr. Anaya said. As for Australia's question on how to ensure the interests and rights of indigenous children and women, the Special Rapporteur said that indigenous people had a tradition of caring for their children as he had observed during his visit in Australia. Allowing indigenous peoples to have the space and confidence to organize themselves was thus a key element to contribute to ensure the interests and rights of indigenous peoples. As for the questions on follow-up, the Special Rapporteur said he wanted to look to indigenous peoples and Governments to assist him in this regard: Governments could contribute by providing complete and accurate information, as could indigenous peoples. He would aim to address cross-cutting themes, such as cases involving a lack of consultation of indigenous peoples, Mr. Anaya said.

Documentation

The Council has before it the report of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples on its second session (A/HRC/12/32). The Expert Mechanism's second session was held from 10 to 14 August 2009 in Geneva and participants included representatives of States, United Nations bodies and specialized agencies, non-governmental organizations, academics and a large number of indigenous peoples. During the session, participants discussed a draft study on lessons learned and challenges to achieve the implementation of the right of indigenous peoples to education, and the study was adopted. The Expert Mechanism also held a discussion on the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, addressing the implementation of the Declaration at the regional and national levels, as well as specific provisions in the Declaration identifying remedies for infringements of rights. In addition to the study on the right of indigenous peoples to education, the Expert Mechanism adopted six proposals. Five proposals are addressed to the Human Rights Council and touch on the following topics: a suggested thematic study on indigenous peoples' right to participate in decision-making; human rights institutions and mechanisms; consideration of indigenous peoples' rights during the Human Rights Council sessions; the Voluntary Fund for Indigenous Populations; and follow-up to the Durban Review Conference. The sixth proposal, regarding the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, was addressed to United Nations specialized agencies.

The Council has before it the report of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, containing a study on lessons learned and challenges to achieve the implementation of the right of indigenous peoples to education (A/HRC/12/33), which, in a first substantive section, provides a human rights-based analysis of the scope and content of the right to education. The study also examines indigenous education systems and institutions, including integration of indigenous perspectives into mainstream education systems and institutions; lessons learned, for example with regard to international development assistance and teaching of indigenous languages; and challenges and measures to achieve the implementation of the right of indigenous peoples to education, including focuses on discrimination and poor access to education and issues affecting women, among others. An Annex to the report contains the Expert Mechanism advice No. 1 on the right of indigenous peoples to education.

Presentation of Reports of Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

JANNIE LASIMBANG, Chairperson-Rapporteur of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, said the Expert Mechanism had received increased attention at its second session, with about 400 accredited participants. The thematic focus of the session was guided by resolutions 6/36 and 9/7 of the Human Rights Council; the two main items were the presentation of and discussion on the draft report on the study on lessons learned and challenges to achieve the implementation of the right of indigenous peoples to education, and the implementation of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples at the regional and national levels. On the study on the right of indigenous peoples to education, this elaborated among others: key international and regional human rights instruments and provisions which affirmed, contextualised and elaborated upon the right to education; provisions stipulating the aims and objectives of education; indigenous education systems and institutions; and lessons learned, challenges as well as measures to achieve indigenous peoples' right to education.

During the deliberation on the implementation of the Declaration, it was made clear by the Expert Mechanism that it had no intention of trying to position itself as a monitoring body, for which it had no mandate. At the same time, the Declaration represented a commitment by the United Nations and its Member States, within the framework of the obligations established by the United Nations Charter to protect and promote human rights in a non-discriminatory basis. A large amount of information was received on efforts to implement the Declaration at the national level, including through institutions devoted to combat discrimination, legislative developments and improved participation of indigenous peoples in decision-making. The debate revealed that indigenous peoples were still facing serious problems as a result of continued denial of their rights and freedoms, including serious human rights violations. Many stressed that it was extremely important to focus on reconciliation as an important precondition for making the Declaration a reality on the ground. The Expert Mechanism was very encouraged by positive responses from States and indigenous peoples alike to its work, and looked forward to building its work on this spirit of dialogue and cooperation, as it was only through common efforts and constructive dialogue that true progress could be made towards the common goal of ensuring full implementation of the rights of indigenous peoples.

General Debate on Human Rights Bodies and Mechanisms

LINA VAN DER WEYDEN (Sweden), speaking on behalf of the European Union, said that the Human Rights Council had been founded three years ago with a vision of ensuring the effective enjoyment of human rights by all. Special Procedures and their mandate holders had a core function in this regard. Their independence had to be respected in all cases. It was important that they had the possibility to act and inform the Council on human rights violations. The European Union was concerned to note that State response rates to urgent appeals and other communications were less than 50 per cent. The most urgent need to improve the system was to explore means of ensuring that States complied with their responsibility to cooperate fully with the Special Procedures. The European Union believed that it was important that the Human Rights Council Advisory Committee continued to execute its mandate in an independent manner. The European Union welcomed the progress achieved to prepare a draft United Nations Declaration on Human Rights Education and Training. As for the functioning of the treaty bodies and Special Procedures, the European Union encouraged the High Commissioner to ensure adequate staff and facilities for these mechanisms.

BENTE ANGELL-HANSEN (Norway) said the Expert Mechanism had a crucial role to play in promoting indigenous peoples rights, and it was an important thematic advisory body. Its recommendations that Member States should pay particular attention to the right to education of indigenous peoples in the Universal Periodic Review process of the Human Rights Council as well as under its Special Procedures was valued, as were the six recommendations put forward to the Council. In particular, Norway supported the proposal made by the Expert Mechanism that the Human Rights Council allow the Expert Mechanism to prepare a study on indigenous peoples' right to participate in decision-making, which was of fundamental importance and a precondition for the realisation of a vast number of indigenous peoples' rights. National human rights institutions had a crucial role to play in promoting the rights of indigenous peoples, and Norway encouraged States to ensure that they had strong national human rights institutions established according to the Paris Principles, that could effectively protect and promote the rights of indigenous peoples, and were encouraged to develop and strengthen their activities to protect and promote the rights of indigenous peoples.

OMAR HILALE (Morocco), speaking on behalf of the Platform for Education and Training for Human Rights, said he would like to welcome Senegal which had just joined the Platform for Education and Training for Human Rights. The Government of Morocco had organized a seminar on the project of the Declaration on Education and Training in Human Rights in Marrakech on 16 and 17 July 2009. Almost 30 countries and 24 international experts, along with researchers, academics and civil society representatives had participated at this seminar. The High Commissioner for Human Rights also sent a message to the participants, highlighting the important role this Declaration would play in the promotion and protection of human rights and the prevention of their violation. The seminar constituted an important step in the process of elaboration of the project of the Declaration of Education and Training in Human Rights. It had allowed clarifying and responding to the incertitude on the necessity to elaborate a Declaration on Education and Training in Human Rights; to hold a rich and interactive dialogue on the subject of education and training in human rights; and to address this subject in a holistic and inclusive approach. The Platform for Education and Training for Human Rights had submitted to this Council a draft resolution which it hoped would be co-sponsored by many delegations and which would hopefully be adopted by consensus.

MARIA NAZARETH FARANI AZEVEDO (Brazil) said that the report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people had focused on achievements, as well as challenges, in the fulfilment of the human rights of indigenous peoples, in areas such as combating poverty and hunger, education and health, as well as the need to fully consult with indigenous communities in projects of development and infrastructures. The establishment of the National Commission of Indigenous Policies was an important step to strengthen dialogue and full participation of the indigenous peoples in Brazil. Referring to the activities of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Brazil welcomed the focus of the Expert Mechanism on the right to education. The right to high quality and cross cultural education was guaranteed in the Brazilian Federal Constitution. More than 90 per cent of the 10,000 teachers at the indigenous schools of Brazil were themselves indigenous. In regard to higher education, the Brazilian Federal Government had created affirmative action programmes to facilitate access by indigenous students to public universities across the country.

SERGEY KONDRATIEV (Russian Federation) said the reports presented were interesting. The Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people and the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples both raised the issue of participation of indigenous peoples in issues reflecting their interests. The proposal of the Experts to consider the reports of the Special Rapporteur and the Expert Mechanism and of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights within a single session of the Human Rights Council would improve the Council's efficiency. With regards to the Universal Periodic Review, Russia understood the desire of the Expert Mechanism to draw attention to the situation of the indigenous peoples, however, the goals of the review had already been codified and set down, and States themselves set their national priorities. However, the issue of indigenous peoples could be raised in questions during the Universal Periodic Review. The right to self-determination was understood by Russia to be within a framework of broad self-determination within the borders of existing States. Objective information should be provided to the international community.

CHEIKH TIDIANE THIAM (Senegal) said that Senegal wished to commend the members of the Platform for Education and Training in Human Rights. Senegal strongly supported this initiative as it was convinced that, if it was successful, this would significantly contribute to the promotion and protection of human rights. In the view of Senegal, the content of the draft Declaration on Education and training in Human Rights should inter alia take into account illiteracy, poverty reduction and the gender dimension. It would further be useful to have scientific contributions and such from parliaments and local communities, so that these dimensions could be taken into account and because there was a constant change in development. Further, sharing good practices could facilitate the implementation of the Declaration, both at the national and the regional level. Senegal was of the view that the international community had many challenges to tackle, but it could rise to the challenges, and it must do so.

AKIO ISOMATA (Japan), as the main sponsor of Human Rights Council resolution 8/13 on the elimination of discrimination against persons affected by leprosy and their family members, commended the members of the Human Rights Council Advisory Committee for their untiring efforts in undertaking the tasks that had been entrusted to them by the Council thus far. Over the past 15 months they had been able to receive valuable input from Governments and other stakeholders on the elimination of discrimination against leprosy-affected people through compilation of information by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and through open-ended consultation on the subject organized by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in January of this year. Japan was now preparing a draft resolution to ensure greater procedural transparency in the process of the finalization of the principles and guidelines in States' formulation and implementation of their policies and measures for persons affected by leprosy and their family members.

COURTNEY MUSSER (United States) said the United States strongly supported the recommendation of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples that the international community synchronise indigenous-related reports from the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Special Rapporteur, and the Expert Mechanism, so as to facilitate the participation of representatives of indigenous peoples, and to strengthen cooperation among these mechanisms. The United States appreciated the opportunity for States to review at an early stage the draft agenda for the Expert Mechanism's third session, during which the United States looked forward to providing input on indigenous people and the right to participate in decision-making, should the Council adopt the Experts' recommendation for the next study topic.

VALERIJS ROMANOVSKIS (Latvia), speaking on behalf of 54 countries, said that these countries would like to raise the issue of promoting cooperation with the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council, particularly through the promotion of the universalization of standing invitations. The 54 countries were united by the decision to extend standing invitations to all Special Procedures, and they believed that this showed their readiness and willingness to cooperate fully with the Human Rights Council and a concrete contribution to the strengthening of the Special Procedures system. It was noted with satisfaction that the number of countries that had extended standing invitations had continued to grow during the last year, and it was hoped that other countries would follow this commendable example in future Universal Periodic Review sessions. The 54 countries continued to encourage the countries running for election to the Council to extend standing invitations as part of their overall commitment. They also appreciated that the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights had continued to give visibility to the standing invitations on its website. At the same time, they would like to encourage the Office to reflect on its website the information on standing invitations that had been accepted by States in the course of the Universal Periodic Review process.

MIRANDA BROWN (Australia) said that the Prime Minister of Australia had extended on 13 February 2008 an apology to the indigenous people. On the first anniversary of this motion, the Government had announced the creation of an Indigenous Healing Foundation. Australia had also announced its support for the Declaration of Indigenous People last April. The Australian Government was committed to close the gap between indigenous people and Australians, especially in key areas such as health and education. She noted that they would only succeed in closing the gap if it was done in collaboration with the indigenous people.

LARS VOLCK MADSEN (Denmark) said State cooperation with the international human rights bodies and mechanisms was very important - their effective and independent functioning was crucial to the protection of human rights everywhere. These bodies and mechanisms, including treaty bodies and Special Procedures, often did not receive sufficient cooperation from States - and all should therefore issue standing invitations and cooperate fully and in good faith with the independent international and regional preventive and monitoring institutions. States needed to grant them unconditional and unhindered access to institutions and facilities of their choice. The Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples had had an impressive start, with Experts showing efficiency, quality and political sensitivity in conducting their work. These qualities would be essential over the next years as well if the Mechanism's expert advice were to have an impact. A major challenge however concerned follow-up to the studies of the Expert Mechanism, which was not the primary responsibility of the Mechanism.

PEKKA METSO (Finland) said that Finland thanked the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples for its useful report, and it valued the work done to finalize the study on lessons learned and challenges to achieve the implementation of the right of indigenous peoples to education. Finland considered it crucial that attention was also paid to the follow-up of the study, and further guidance and views by the Expert Mechanism on how to achieve this would be welcome. While moving on to considering other issues, it would also be important to ensure that the results of the work done would be carried over. Finland considered the United Nations Voluntary Fund for Indigenous Populations an important element in giving real possibilities for indigenous representatives to participate at the international level. Finland also agreed with the importance that the mechanism had given to broaden the scope of the Voluntary Fund, in particular in relation to treaty bodies, and it hoped that increasing numbers of States would join Finland in contributing to the fund.

EDGARDO TORO (Venezuela) said that Venezuela valued the content of the report of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The delegation of Venezuela had actively participated in the work of the Expert Mechanism and they were ready to continue to support its work. They highlighted the conclusions of the study on experience gained and the difficulties experienced in the implementation of the rights of indigenous people. Venezuela supported the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and it believed that it was important to protect the rights of indigenous people.

AMINA LEMRYNI, of Conseil Consultatif des droits de l'homme du Maroc, said that it was very interested in the draft Declaration on Human Rights Training and Education. This was a valuable process, and the Moroccan Consultative Council for Human Rights was contributing towards it. A draft report had been submitted. The draft Declaration should have a strong definition of human rights training and education. Everyone should be made aware of their rights, and the Declaration should stress the importance of human rights institutions as coordinators, players, prime movers and stakeholders. Human rights education and training was a determining factor for a culture of gender equality.

CECILIA RACHEL QUISUMBING, of Commission on Human Rights of the Philippines, said that the discussion on the right to education of indigenous peoples was very important. Indigenous peoples had the right not only to education in the so-called mainstream subjects, but also to education in their own traditional knowledge. The Commission on Human Rights of the Philippines hoped that efforts would be made to coordinate these and future discussions with the work of the Human Rights Council Advisory Committee on the Declaration to the Right to Human Rights Education. Human rights protection and promotion could not be boiled down to one formula and it may be necessary or effective in some contexts to establish specific national institutions for indigenous people's rights. Any State that considered this recommendation, however, must be reminded that the best way to ensure that such an institution would truly protect and promote the rights of indigenous peoples was to comply with the Paris Principles for national human rights institutions rather than being under the executive branch of the Government or any other body of Government.

KENNETH DEER, of Indigenous World Association, said that they were dismayed that indigenous representatives who had travelled here over the weekend had not been able to get on the list of the interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur because non-governmental organizations with a permanent presence had taken much of the speaking time available. Whenever possible, indigenous delegates had to be given the opportunity to represent themselves. In their view, an important role of the Expert Mechanism was to advise the Human Rights Council on how to apply the rights contained in the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. They also welcomed the report on indigenous people's right to education and the fact that this study had recognized education as a treaty right.

MATTIAS AHREN, of Saami Council, said the reports of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples were excellent, and the Human Rights Council received them in a positive spirit. The Expert Mechanism dwelled on the most pressing issues for indigenous peoples, and this was an excellent precedent. The report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous peoples was also welcome, in particular the addenda on specific situations. Sweden had so far ignored the Special Rapporteur's efforts, and this was another example of Sweden's ignoring the United Nations constant attempts to protect the rights of the Saami people. The recent adoption of the Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples was a step forward, as it recognised the definition of the term "peoples", a term of particular interest to indigenous peoples. The Human Rights Council should review its organisational work when it came to the possibility to address it during the issue of indigenous rights.

WILTON LITTELCHILD, of International Organization of Indigenous Resource Development, said that he wished to underscore the importance of the Expert Mechanism Advice No. 1 (2009) on the "Treaty Right to Education". This recognition was consistent with their elders' oral testimony which was a very important consideration and a critical element for their ancestors at treaty time. The International Organization of Indigenous Resource Development further reminded that any "fiscal caps" on education must now be removed if these rights were to be implemented as clarified; otherwise they would continue to be treaty and basic human rights violations. Finally, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people was thanked for his report, particularly for the substantive consideration of the duty to consult, which however was not only a legal duty, but also an international legal principle of treaty-making that required mutual consent.

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For use of the information media; not an official record

Monday, September 14, 2009

Canada urged to pass UN Indigenous Declaration on second anniversary

First Nations and Quebec Native women urge passage of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigneous Peoples, on the second anniversary

From the press release below; “The AFN is going to lead the effort to implement the United Nations Declaration through our work here at home and abroad. First Nations are going to put its principles into practice. The AFN is going to support First Nations in implementing our sacred treaties and our constitutionally protected title and rights using clear standards, such as those set out in the Declaration.” From the Open letter [attached in English and French]: ‘If these words [of apology] were truly sincere, then the Government of Canada should have already endorsed the Declaration and thus contributed to improve their relationship with Indigenous peoples.”

Assembly of First Nations Marks Second Anniversary of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
OTTAWA, Sept. 11 /CNW Telbec/ - September 13. 2009 marks the second anniversary of the passing of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Canada was one of only four countries in the world to vote against the UN Declaration, and continues to oppose it.
September 13 is a landmark day for the world’s Indigenous peoples, but a black mark on Canada’s international reputation, “ Assembly of First Nations National Chief Shawn Atleo stated. “The AFN is going to lead the effort to implement the United Nations Declaration through our work here at home and abroad. First Nations are going to put its principles into practice. The AFN is going to support First Nations in implementing our sacred treaties and our constitutionally protected title and rights using clear standards, such as those set out in the Declaration.”
The National Chief stated that, in addition to domestic work the AFN will work with its counterparts at the National Congress of American Indians, with the international community and at the United Nations itself to give life to the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The AFN Quebec-Labrador region has been a leader in pressing Canada to support the UN Declaration. The AFN Regional Chief for Quebec-Labrador, Ghislain Picard, stated: “The majority of recommendations at Canada’s Universal Periodic Review on its human rights record were directly related to the treatment of Aboriginal peoples in Canada. This clearly indicates the need for Canada to adopt the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The adoption of this UN Declaration would give the message that Canada is serious about bringing to an end its colonial and assimilations policies and practices.
The Declaration could provide us with a basis from which a new relationship could be built on mutual recognition, mutual respect and lead us away from the current state of extreme poverty and dependency resulting from legislation and policies that are anchored in colonialism.” Regional Chief Picard is also inviting First Nations and all Canadians to sign a petition asking the Canadian government to sign a petition asking the Canadian government to endorse the UN Declaration. The petition can be found online at http://www.apnql-afnql.com/.
There is high support for the UN Declaration nationally and internationally. In 2008, 100 legal scholars and experts signed an Open Letter calling on the Government of Canada to “… cease publicizing its misleading claims and, together with Indigenous peoples, actively implement this new human rights instrument.” In April, the Government of Australia reversed its position and now supports the Declaration.
National Chief Atleo stated: “It is time to move forward with the Declaration in all that we do. It is a statement of the principles that should guide our relationship, and it is a way to measure our progress. It is time that we all embrace these principles and act on these principles.”

-30- /For further information: Alain Garon, Communications Officer, AFNQL, (418) 842-5020 (418) 842-5020, Cell (418) 956-5720 (418) 956-5720; Robert Simpson, (778) 991-1407 (778) 991-1407; ChantelleKrish, (778) 990-9544/

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Open Letter - Second Anniversary of the adoption of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

Kahnawake, September 13, 2009 - Today, we celebrate the second anniversary of the adoption of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which was passed by an overwhelming majority of states voting in favour at the United Nations General Assembly. September 13, 2007 was a historic day for Indigenous peoples around the world, a day when Indigenous populations were recognized as peoples, and in America, it was the day where 500 years of history was finally recognized for what they is; 500 years of colonization, racism and oppression.
You will find a video with Ellen Gabriel, President of Quebec Native Women, Paul Joffe, International Lawyer, and Béatrice Vaugrante, Director of Amnesty International Canada francophone section, presenting the arguments for Canada to endorse the UN Declaration on Indigenous Rights at the following address: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2yESU099HUs Quebec Native Women is also a member of the Quebec Coalition on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples which is sending a joint press release as well as a letter asking the Quebec National Assembly to implement the UN Declaration.
You will find them herewith enclosed. For more info, please contact :Aurélie Arnaud____________Responsable des Communications / Communications OfficersFemmes Autochtones du Québec / Quebec Native WomenTel.: 450 632 0088 450 632 0088, #227http://www.faq-qnw.org/ ________________________ Shé:kon - Bonjour -

Hello Yesterday, the hard working team at Quebec Native Women made a video to celebrate the 2nd Anniversary of the UNDRIPThis evening the video was uploaded on YouTube The video includes Paul Joffe, International Lawyer, and Béatrice Vaugrante, Director of Amnestie Internationale Canada - francophone section and myself for Quebec Native Women. the discussion centers around why Canada and its citizens should endorse and embrace the essence of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. You can find it at the following address:http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2yESU099HUs

Quebec Native Women is also a member of the Quebec Coalition on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples which is sending a joint press release as well as a letter asking the Quebec National Assembly to support the UN DRIP. Happy 2nd Anniversary to the UNDRIP - much work remains but there is so much hope! Niá:wen Ellen­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­________________________

Thursday, September 10, 2009

Paul Zimmerman: The Cult of Nuclearists, Uranium Weapons and Fraudulent Science



Paul Zimmerman releases chapter of new book to Censored News to aid in the struggle of Indigenous Peoples fighting uranium mining and the nuclear industry

Photo: Rex Tilousi sings at the Havasupai Gathering to Halt Uranium Mining in the Grand Canyon 2009/Photo Brenda Norrell

From author Paul Zimmerman to Brenda Norrell:

"I recently read your article on CounterPunch.com about proposed uranium mining in the Grand Canyon. It got me thinking as to whether or not I could make some small contribution to the struggle, being played out yet again, between native peoples and what I call the Cult of Nuclearists. I decided to release a chapter that I'm very proud of from my newly published book. When you read the attached document, and if you find it of worth, I would be honored if you would share it with whatever groups and individuals you are aware of who may find it interesting and informative.

"A Primer in the Art of Deception The Cult of Nuclearists, Uranium Weapons and Fraudulent Science by Paul Zimmerman
Copies of this book can be ordered at http://www.du-deceptions.com/ or by contacting the author at either info@du-deceptions.com or P.O. Box 145, Lyndonville, NY 14098

"... Peoples of the Navajo Nation, Laguna Pueblo and Acoma Pueblo suffered the greatest impact from this invasion by the large energy companies. Their familiar pastoral economy was rapidly transformed into a mining-industrial economy,and they became a mining-dependent population (Kuletz). Recruited as a cheap source of labor for the mines, Native Americans were exploited economically, receiving two-thirds the salary of employees brought in from off the reservation (Churchill). During the uranium boom of the 1970s, the median salary for the Laguna Pueblo was 50 dollars per week(Kuletz). Maximum economic gain for the mining companies was the driving force for the abuses showered on Native American communities in the Four Corners region ... " -- Paul Zimmerman

Reference:
Uranium mining in the Grand Canyon, CounterPunch

A Primer in the Art of Deception
The Cult of Nuclearists, Uranium Weapons and Fraudulent Science
by Paul Zimmerman
386
Bedtime stories are the love of every child. They are a bridge from harsh reality into
the comforting world of slumber. Fairy tales enliven the imagination, create an endearing
bond between child and storyteller and quell the fears of encroaching darkness.
Adults never quite lose their craving for hypnotic fables. The history books, penned
by the victors, are replete with brave accounts of daring, chivalry and laurels. The tale of
the development of the atomic bomb is a classic. The standard narrative begins with a portrait
of brilliant emigré physicists struggling to understand the ultimate secrets of the atom.
As recognition dawns that a chain reaction initiated by fissioning atoms is humanly producible,
the purity of their quest becomes tarnished. Then dread overwhelms their hearts
as they envision colleagues in Nazi Germany, armed with the same insight, applying nuclear
physics to a hellish conquest of the world. Stalwart as righteous knights ready to defend the
kingdom, they dispatch a communiqué to Roosevelt, warning of the impending peril and
volunteering their services to bring the hellions to their knees. In this story, the United
States government is the lumbering hero. It long procrastinates. Then, by fits and starts, it
rises to the call. The Manhattan Project is inaugurated, physicists are secretly recruited,
clandestine outposts spring up in the wilderness, and a fevered race against time ensues to
transform abstract theories into a deliverable weapon. What follows is a blinding accomplishment:
Trinity.
As the wafting wind over the New Mexico desert dissipates the radioactive cloud, the
setting of this tale switches to the corridors of power. There, a conscientious debate unfolds
as to the wisdom of incinerating a metropolis or two of the villainous Japanese. Reluctantly,
16
Nuclear Colonialism
This is an excerpt from the book A Primer in the Art of Deception
by Paul Zimmerman
to save a million brave boys from slaughter in an invasion of the evil enemy’s homeland, the
gallant decision is made to drop the bomb. This heroic sacrifice leads rapidly to the cessation
of hostilities, victory, and American supremacy in the postwar world.
In the uneasy peace that follows, the “Bomb” becomes the nation’s new hero, the
guardian of national security and the unrivaled instrument for containing Soviet expansionism.
When the Soviets achieve parity with the detonation of their own bomb, an
uncompromising duel breaks out between the “superpowers.” Mushroom clouds routinely
blot out the sun, and terror grips the hearts of all humankind. The puny atom bomb is
surpassed by the hydrogen bomb. Ballistic missiles, buried in their darkened silos, point
menacingly at the enemy. Submarines creep silently along the ocean depths. Armageddon
awaits but an instant away. Then a mighty warrior arises. Single-handedly, Ronald Reagan
defeats the evil empire. A new era of peace dawns. Diplomatic negotiations replace
nuclear terror as the nuclear haves bond together to prevent proliferation of WMDs into
the hands of the nuclear have-nots.
A fine story, indeed.
Such narrative constructions have power. They shape mental landscapes. They create
worldviews. They structure behavior. Some stories serve an important political purpose.
Those in power tell stories as a means of educating the rest of us to see the world as
they wish us to see it. If they are good storytellers, we accept their view of the world and
endorse their deeds even though we will not personally profit, and may in fact, ultimately
suffer from them.
Our perceptions are shackled by the stories we are told. If we wish to gain a fresh
perspective on the entire nuclear enterprise, we must tell stories other than those conjured
by the devotees to a culture built on nuclear weapons. One line of storytelling all but absent
from our proud history books is the chronicle of those vanquished by nuclear weapon development.
The path to the ascendancy of the nuclear powers is paved with exploited peoples,
ruined cultures, poisoned lands, disease and death. By compiling this tale, we pay
homage to the victimized and in the process, perhaps, catch a glimpse of the breed of man
who today rules the world.
Nuclear and radiological weapons did not magically appear one day upon the Earth.
They were an artifact, born of the culture in which they arose. The men who fathered
them embodied a worldview which had taken shape over centuries. In the process of conceiving
and creating these devices of merciless destruction, these men were expressing their
values, values forged by their economic outlook, political institutions, military posture, cul-
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387
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tural traditions, religious beliefs, attitudes toward foreign cultures, and attitudes about the
environment. Producing the bomb was a bold move, for it was a naked expression of hidden
secrets lurking within some human hearts. Ruthless domination, brutality, terrorism,
uncompromising threat and the acceptability of mass casualties were some of the values
which found expression and embodiment in the Bomb. To endure, the weapons and the
mentality which wielded them required the complacency of those who acceded to be governed
by this mentality. Such was the inspiration for the vast body of lies and deceptions
exposed in this book.
Left to the social psychologists and the historians is the job of explaining the origins
of the mindset that felt perfectly justified in developing and deploying weapons of mass
destruction. Sufficient for purposes here is the observation that the seeds for this proclivity
had already taken root in the minds of the conquerors and conquistadors who set forth
from Europe during the period of colonial expansionism. What these men brought to their
endeavor serve as a mirror to what men of the twentieth century brought to their project
of developing the atomic bomb.
During the Middle Ages, the socio-economic framework of central and western
Europe was feudalism and manorialism. The land was the source of livelihood and the
economy was fundamentally agrarian. By the thirteenth century, this way of life was in
transition. The feudal order began giving way to the rise of national states ruled by royal
families. A class of merchants and artisans arose. The population had increased to the
point where manorial farming could no longer support it. People began flocking into towns
to seek new sources of livelihood. Increasingly, manufacturing and trade supplanted farming
as the driving forces of the economy and a money-based system of exchange for goods
and services gained acceptance. With a liquid form of wealth in ascendancy, numerous
opportunities arose for individuals to make their own niche in the market economy and
accumulate personal wealth. The doors were open for upward social mobility on a scale
that was unprecedented in feudal society. Accompanying this trend was a new ethic of private
property and the absolute right of ownership.
Manufacturing and trade, the buying and selling of goods, created the economic system
of mercantilism which arose among the major trading nations of Europe. These
nations recognized that their wealth and their power could best be enhanced by exporting
more goods than they imported, forcing their foreign trading partners to make up the difference
in gold and other precious metals. With bullion universally accepted as a medium
of exchange, the wealth of a nation became equated with the size of its bullion reserves.
Foreign policy was inextricably bound to foreign trade because this was the means for
Nucl e a r C o l o n i a l i s m
389
enrichment of the ruling elite and of the nation. Within this system, overseas traders came
to play an essential role in the burgeoning international economy. They transported manufactured
goods between trading partners, ferried home the raw materials needed by the
manufacturing base of their nation and introduced their people to spices and other exotic
commodities from far-off lands.
Within this economy, monarchs and traders sought riches over the horizon. With
advancements in cartography, navigation and shipbuilding, expeditions set sail upon
uncharted waters to seek out new routes, new trading partners, new commodities and new
sources of gold and silver. In their quest to expand their capitalistic enterprises, the seafaring
nations of Europe began extending their sovereignty to territories beyond their borders.
To administer distant lands and maintain exclusive rights to their resources, settler colonies
or administrative dependencies were established and the indigenous populations were
either displaced or subjugated.
In the process of colonizing the lands they “discovered” and confronting that which
was foreign to themselves, European colonists gave blatant expression to a number of attitudes
of mind that had long been nurtured by their culture. Most prominently, colonizers
carried within themselves a rigid ethnocentricity. They were convinced of the superiority
of European culture, of themselves being the crown of creation, and encounters with aboriginal
peoples only served to reenforce this belief. European behaviors, customs, values,
patterns of thought, interpretation of events and meaning were good, right and proper,
while those of foreigners were inferior and primitive. Coupled with this attitude, or perhaps
because of it, colonists believed themselves entitled to lay claim to the lands of others
in the name of king or queen and country. Although the right to private property was recognized
in Europe, property rights did not extend to native populations. Needless to say,
the superiority of European culture and the right to the expropriation of native lands and
resources was given teeth by steel sword, armor, gunpowder and cannon.
As adherents to Christianity, colonizers held the unwavering belief that they were in
possession of the only true religion. This attitude of spiritual and moral superiority alienated
them further from the indigenous peoples they encountered and blinded them to the
experience of the sacred which was woven into the lifestyles and observances of those they
judged to be heathens. An important aspect of this spiritual divide related to differing attitudes
toward the land and nature. By the time of colonial expansion, Europeans generally
were alienated from the land and scared of nature. The natural world was primarily a
backdrop to life. Its chief value lay in its utility. Land was lifeless, without spirit, and the
plants and animals were present in the world to be of service to mankind. Over the cenA
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390
turies, this attitude gave license to numerous environmental abuses in conquered territories
which included strip mining, clear-cutting forests, intensive mono-cropping, overhunting,
overfishing, and various types of pollution. The utilitarian value of nature, however, was
compromised by its unpredictability. Seen as capricious, nature was perceived as a frightening
adversary that required taming. No wonder that the scientific revolution of the seventeenth
century, focusing on the conquest, domination and control of nature, was of
European origin (Pattberg). In stark contrast, aboriginal people living off the land were so
alien to Europeans as to be incomprehensible. Their way of life was integrated with the
natural world. Their survival and livelihood depended on their knowledge of nature and
their ability to harmonize with the forces at play around them. The direct experience of
the interrelatedness of all aspects of the natural world provided for them a never-ending
source of spiritual inspiration. The land was sacred and valued for itself. It was the key to
divine mysteries, and it inspired reverence.
The subjugation of native peoples was followed by economic exploitation. Reaping
the rewards from colonized lands required cheap and abundant labor. The most readily
available work force was the native population. Pushed off their land and robbed of their
traditional lifestyles, members of native populations were forced into servitude or willingly
submitted to exchanging their labor for the bare necessities of subsistence. After the discovery
of the New World and the bounties which it promised, the colonizing powers were
forced to experiment with different labor practices. Some colonies modeled their economy
on feudalism, transforming native inhabitants into serfs. In other colonies, labor was provided
by indentured servants brought over from Europe. A successful resolution of the
labor problem in the Americas and the Caribbean colonies was finally resolved by the mass
importation of slaves from Africa.
In the process of intermixing with native cultures, European colonizers succeeded in
imposing their sociocultural traditions and values on their wards. The introduction of
European languages was an invasion of the mental landscape of the conquered, creating
new cognitive structures and meanings. Over time, native culture and native wisdom were
lost. Generations of people cut off from their roots, displaced and alienated from the culture
that overwhelmed them, sank into poverty, substance abuse, mental illness and suicide.
Alternatively, native peoples, clinging to remnants of the traditional life of their ancestors,
took up residence on marginal lands which remained pristine only because they lacked economic
value.
There is no other term but racism that adequately describes the European attitude
toward colonized populations. The ethnocentricity, moral superiority, cultural arrogance,
Nucl e a r C o l o n i a l i s m
391
feeling of entitlement to others’ land and wealth, the exploitation, the imposed servitude
could not have been rationalized over and over again without the underlying conviction of
white Europeans that they and their culture were superior and deserved to dominate what
they perceived as inferior races. More the rule than the exception, when white Europeans
encountered peoples of color, what followed was bigotry, prejudice, oppression and violence.
The holocaust suffered by native populations throughout the Americas provides
clear testimony of the uncompromising ruthlessness of the European invaders.
Oh, if only we could comfort ourselves by relegating the crimes of colonial expansionism
to a bygone era, distancing ourselves and our supposed enlightenment from the
deeds of our backward ancestors. But to do so would be reprehensible. In truth, the same
ugly vector of attitude and behavior that facilitated colonialism has been an indispensable
element in the development of nuclear weapons and the current deployment of radiological
weapons. This fact is conveniently overlooked by the storytellers of our age. Their histories
are mute as to the fact that nuclear weapons and reactors would not exist without
human rights abuse, ill treatment of indigenous peoples, the expropriation of resources
from traditional landholders, environmental devastation and indifference to the safety and
well-being of just about everybody. To aptly characterize this phenomenon, activists have
coined the term “nuclear colonialism.” This expression denotes the appropriation of aboriginal
lands and the exploitation and oppression of aboriginal peoples for the purpose of
developing, testing and deploying nuclear and radiological weapons. Subsumed within this
term is an interrelated concept: “environmental racism.” Wikipedia provides a quite adequate
definition of this phenomenon: “Environmental racism is intentional or unintentional
racial discrimination in the enforcement of environmental rules and regulations, the
intentional or unintentional targeting of minority communities for the siting of polluting
industries such as toxic waste disposal, or the exclusion of people of color from public and
private boards, commissions, and regulatory bodies.” The bond between nuclear colonialism
and environmental racism is made bitingly clear in this observation by Anne Herbert
and Margaret M. Pavel:
Racism makes the continuing production of nuclear waste possible. If
the white people who make decisions about nuclear waste felt that the
people of color in poor areas are as valuable as the decision makers’
own mothers and fathers and sons and daughters, would they continue
to dump nuclear waste in those areas? If tailings from uranium
mining were located next to the homes of investment bankers instead
of the homes of indigenous people, would uranium mining continue?
The continuation of the nuclear fuel cycle depends, in effect, on the
practice of human sacrifice. It depends on affluent whites deciding to
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risk the health and lives of people who are not affluent or white. This
is what ‘acceptable risk’ often means in practice (Herbert and Pavel).
This portrait of those who today actively practice human sacrifice is not without
validity. People who control nuclear and radiological weapons are not stupid. Fully cognizant
of the lethality of radiation exposure, they strive their utmost to put as much distance
between themselves and the radioactive offal they unleash. They flex their subatomic
might far from their centers of power and, both by accident and design, decimate Third
World peoples, ancient cultures and devotees of non-Christian religions. To date, the testing
of nuclear weapons and the deployment of uranium weapons by the nuclear powers
evidence an ugly campaign of ethnic and religious discrimination and subjugation.
Ancestral homelands and food supplies are contaminated. Sacred grounds and holy shrines
are desecrated. Populations are uprooted at best or at worst left to suffer epidemics of radiation-
induced illnesses. Such open disdain for so-called “marginal” people by the lordly
possessors of infernal weapons is an indelible sign of their cold cruelty, cultural arrogance,
and will to supremacy. We who have yet to taste the bitterness of nuclear devastation and
radiological ruination, what guarantees do we have that we will not be the next victims?
With the coming of the first nuclear exchange between nations, all of us will be rendered
marginal people, victimized, dehumanized and incinerated by the machinations of the Cult
of Nuclearists. Lest we lose sight of the crimes foreshadowing Armageddon, it behooves us
to remember the ethnic cleansing made possible by the splitting of the atom.
Nuclear weapons are built upon nuclear colonialism and environmental racism.
This is a sad commentary on the type of people who embrace these weapons and the mentality
they harbor. In the process of developing nuclear weapons, bomb builders must fulfill
certain basic requirements. Three of these will be considered here because, historically,
they provoked a confrontation with indigenous populations and were resolved by actions
arising from a colonial and racist mentality. First, the development of nuclear weapons is
contingent upon a large supply of uranium. By some quirk of fate, the major uranium
deposits of the world are located beneath marginal lands occupied by aboriginal peoples.
As a consequence, native landholders have borne the brunt of uranium mining operations.
They have been forcibly removed from ancestral lands, suffered the destruction of sacred
sites, been exploited economically, witnessed environmental devastation and made ill from
radiogenic diseases. Second, a weapon once built requires a test ground. Bomb builders
are not stupid. Aware of the hazards of fallout, the contamination of local food chains and
water sources, the risk of radiation-induced cancers and birth defects, they select test sites
far from their own homes where families and friends will remain unharmed. That the lands
of marginal people will be hopelessly contaminated, that these people and their progeny
Nucl e a r C o l o n i a l i s m
393
will be the victims of radiation exposure, was never a deterrent to weapon testing. Third,
nuclear weaponeers require a repository to store waste generated by their enterprise. Since
radwaste will remain hazardous for hundreds of thousands of years and no one is able to
predict the long-term security of any storage method, the preferred solution of the nuclear
waste stockpilers is to bury their waste far from the centers of their own power.
Today, multinational mining and energy companies provide uranium to a world
market. At the beginning of nuclear age, however, the situation was different. Uranium
was in short supply and plentiful deposits had yet to be discovered. Those nations aspiring
to go nuclear were forced to seek out their own uranium reserves, and the places where they
prospected and mined were, more often than not, located in former colonies that had previously
been subjugated and exploited. Uranium for Soviet weapons was mined in East
Germany, Czechoslovakia, Estonia, Ukraine, Kazakhstan, Kirghizstan, Tadjikistan and
Uzbekistan. A windfall of major uranium reserves fell into the lap of the Chinese through
their conquest of Tibet. Morocco, Niger and Gabon were sources of uranium first
acquired by France. Great Britain’s supply came from Australia, Canada and Namibia (via
South Africa).
Uranium mining and milling are particularly dirty industries, devastating the local
environment. With uranium constituting only a small percentage of mined ore, mountains
of radioactive waste spring up on the landscape around uranium mills. Uranium and the
radionuclides from uranium decay are abundant in mill tailings and invariably end up contaminating
groundwater, rivers, lakes and aquifers. Mill wastes also emit radon gas. While
airborne, radionuclides from radon decay, principally lead-210 and polonium-210, settle
out of the air, contaminating local flora and fauna. A study in northern Saskatchewan of
radionuclides released into the environment from uranium mining confirmed the efficiency
of lichens in accumulating airborne radionuclides (Thomas and Gates). Contaminated
lichens then become a food source to grazing caribou which accumulate radionuclides in
their tissue. In turn, native peoples of the area hunt the caribou for their subsistence, thus
inadvertently overloading their bodies with internal emitters.
In addition to contaminating the countryside with radioactivity, uranium mining
releases other pollutants into the environment that gravely impact the local ecology. Heavy
metals increase water acidity. Chemicals from milling processes, notably ammonium and
nitrates, are also released in abundance into the surrounding environment. The uranium
mine at Elliot Lake in Ontario has been studied extensively and can be used as a model to
demonstrate the impact of uranium production on the environment. In 1971, the Ontario
Water Resources Commission reported that lakes in the vicinity of the mine were contaminated
with radium-226, emitting radioactivity at 50 times background levels. This repreA
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394
sented 15 times the maximum water quality level set by the government of three picocuries
per liter (Moody). Even after remedial efforts which included dilution, reduction in mining
and new treatment facilities were introduced in 1978, local drinking water levels of radium
remained two to four times greater than permitted by government limits (Moody). In The
Gulliver File: Mines, People and Land — A Global Battleground, Moody describes how government
stepped in to aid the mine in dealing with its radium pollution problem:
Alarmingly, barely two years later, a federal provincial committee recommended
that, instead of lowering radium levels to meet health criteria,
the standards themselves be lowered: this was in line with a recommendation
by the ICRP that maximum permissible radiation for
bone marrow could now be increased nine times. Sister Rosalie
Bertell, of the Jesuit Center in Toronto, and a world expert on radiation
(with special knowledge of Elliot Lake) called the decision ‘murder.’
In her opinion, ‘the blatant reason for the change is because the
radium is too expensive to clean up.’
A waste product of the milling process is sulphuric acid, which routinely contaminates
water sources. In this high acidity, radium, thorium and uranium dissolve more readily,
increasing the mobilization of these radionuclides from mill wastes into the environment.
In addition, the increased acidity of water in the vicinity of Elliot Lake was responsible
for the death of aquatic life. Mature freshwater fish are unable to survive when acidity/
alkalinity is outside the range of pH 5 to pH 9 (Moody). In 1980, the acidity of May
Lake was similar to that of vinegar, pH 3.1. According to Moody, the increasing acidity in
water has other repercussions:
Acidity levels are inversely linked to the dangers posed by heavy metals:
the higher the pH, the more gas given off by ammonium liquid.
At Quirke Lake, concentrations of ammonium have exceeded the
Ontario Drinking Water Quality Criteria, while high concentrations
of nitrogen compounds have been located some 40 km downstream
of the mine. Iron levels at May Lake, copper levels at Quirke and
Dunlop Lakes, have given cause for concern in recent years. Copper
is especially threatening to fish. (It kills young salmon at 0.1 ppm
[parts per million] — one tenth of the human drinking water limit —
and can prove poisonous to sheep at 0.5 ppm). Copper levels measured
downstream of the Quirke Lake facilities have reached 0.11
ppm, and at Dunlop Lake, 0.58 ppm.
Although the subject matter is vast, a few broad strokes can paint a picture of the
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395
impact that nuclear colonialism and environmental racism have had on communities of
indigenous peoples living atop uranium deposits. Prior to the uranium booms of the 1950s
and 1970s, two thirds of the uranium deposits in the United States were located in the Four
Corners region of the southwest, at the meeting of the borders of New Mexico, Arizona,
Utah and Colorado. This undeveloped desert landscape was the home to bands of Native
Americans and deposits of uranium were discovered mostly within the boundaries of their
reservations. Aided by the Bureau of Indian Affairs, mining companies leased millions of
acres of tribal land for uranium exploration, the digging of mines and the
construction/development of uranium mills. The native population profited little from this
activity, receiving on average 3.4 percent of the market value of the uranium extracted
from their lands (Kuletz). Peoples of the Navajo Nation, Laguna Pueblo and Acoma
Pueblo suffered the greatest impact from this invasion by the large energy companies.
Their familiar pastoral economy was rapidly transformed into a mining-industrial economy,
and they became a mining-dependent population (Kuletz). Recruited as a cheap source
of labor for the mines, Native Americans were exploited economically, receiving two-thirds
the salary of employees brought in from off the reservation (Churchill). During the uranium
boom of the 1970s, the median salary for the Laguna Pueblo was 50 dollars per week
(Kuletz). Maximum economic gain for the mining companies was the driving force for the
abuses showered on Native American communities in the Four Corners region:
Rather than cultivate invisibility for reasons of secrecy, the uranium
industry exploited the low visibility and lack of political power of the
semisovereign Indian nations (reservations) to bypass environmental
protection standards and job safety regulations, to bypass (for decades,
and with the cooperation of federal agencies) their responsibility to
inform uranium miners of the deadly hazards of their occupations, as
well as to ensure a high profit margin in the extraction, processing and
sale of uranium ore to the secret scientific-military complex (Kuletz).
During the initial uranium boom of the 1950s, working conditions in the 2,500
mines then in operation were abysmal. The Atomic Energy Commission ceded oversight
of mine safety to state agencies whose employees did not possess adequate knowledge of
radiation effects and who remained uninformed of the European experience that uranium
mining induced lung cancer. What resulted was a public health tragedy, largely borne by
the Native American miners, that could have been avoided if mining companies had been
required to invest in adequate ventilation equipment. After years of data collection and
epidemiological studies, it became obvious to state officials that an epidemic of lung cancers
was in progress, but by that time the damage to the health of miners had been done.
Numerous anecdotal reports gathered from Native American miners agree that mine operA
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396
ators never informed them of the possible hazards of uranium mining, that no one cautioned
them against drinking from the water trickling through the mines, that no one ever
discouraged them from eating their lunch with dust-covered hands.
Besides the miners, Native American communities located in proximity to uranium
mining operations also suffered increased incidence of disease. According to a 1981 study
by the Navajo Nation’s Division of Health Improvement Services, teenagers living near
mining operations in Shiprock, Farmington and Grants, New Mexico, suffered rates of
organ cancers 15 times higher than the national average (Taliman). Other studies are
described by Kuletz:
In seeking federal assistance to study the effect of low-level radiation
on the health of their children, Navajo health officials called attention
to at least two preliminary studies — one conducted by the March of
Dimes (principal investigator Dr. L. Shields) and the other by the
Navajo Health Authority (principal investigator Dr. D. Calloway).
Calloway’s study suggested that Navajo children may have a five times
greater rate of bone cancer and a 15 times greater rate of ovarian and
testicular cancer than the US average. However, despite these preliminary
findings, no funding was granted for extended epidemiological
studies of the impact on Navajos living near uranium tailings and
mines.
Many ‘preliminary studies’ suggested serious health risks to children
in communities near abandoned uranium districts. One ‘preliminary’
study showed ‘a twofold excess of miscarriages, infant deaths, congenital
or genetic abnormalities, and learning disabilities among uranium-
area families’ compared with Navajo families in non-uranium
areas. Even after being informed of these and other findings, no federal
or state agencies provided funding for further study. In fact, in
1983, one agency, the Indian Health Service (a division of the US
Department of Health and Social Services) had sent a report to
Congress (“Health Hazards Related to Nuclear Resources
Development on Indian Land,” 1983) stating that there was ‘no evidence
of adverse health effects in Indians in uranium development
areas and that there is no need for additional studies or funding for
such studies.’
In addition to adverse health effects, uranium mining brought environmental ruin to
tribal lands. Gaping scars blemish the landscape from the 1,000 or more abandoned and
unreclaimed open-pit and underground mines (Kuletz). Millions of gallons of water used
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for uranium extraction became hopelessly contaminated with radioactivity. As a byproduct
of the separation and concentration of uranium from ore, uranium mills created huge
mountains of radioactive mill tailings. Remaining uncovered, mill tailings remain a perpetual
source for pollution of the environment. Wind scatters the dust from these mountains
over the landscape, continually contaminating water, soil and crops and creating a perpetual
inhalation hazard to residents of the region.
The most severe radiation accident in US history occurred at Church Rock, New
Mexico, on July 16, 1979. A dam at a uranium mill owned by United Nuclear Corporation
broke and released into the Rio Puerco 1,100 tons of mill wastes and 100 million gallons of
radioactive water. This waste contaminated the river for at least 60 miles downstream. The
Navajo people living along this watercourse were never adequately informed that their single
source of water had been rendered a health hazard. Unaware of the danger, families
continued to draw drinking water from the river. They continued to give their livestock
unrestricted access. Children continued to swim in the waters. Kuletz provides additional
information:
The Rio Puerco was not a clean river prior to this accident. As noted
by one groundwater protection researcher: “Between 1969 and
February of 1986, the Puerco flowed year-round, fed by millions of
gallons of contaminant-laden water that poured daily into one of its
tributaries (called the North Fork) from three underground uranium
mines. No one bothered to tell the Navajos that the water that poured
from the mines during the uranium boom years of 1952-1964 and
1969-1981 was not safe for man or beast.”
The Church Rock disaster was not an isolated incident. Between 1955 and 1977,
15 dams holding back mill tailing wastes broke. In a region of scarce water resources, these
accidents had a disastrous ecological impact.
For the purposes of creating weapons of mass destruction, nuclear colonialism
exploits marginal people living away from the centers of power. Invariably, this process has
led to a ruination of the environment in which these people dwelt. Hidden within the heart
of this ugly phenomenon is racism practiced by the white, elite members of society against
disadvantaged Native Americans. Again, Kuletz pulls back the veil:
Today — seemingly as invisible as the Rio Puerco accident — the uranium
mines and tailings are, for the most part, left unreclaimed.
Although a 1983 Environmental Protection Study confirmed that the
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Navajo Reservation alone had approximately 1,000 significant
nuclear waste sites, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA)
deemed them all ‘too remote’ to be of ‘significant national concern.’
A 1978 study by Los Alamos National Laboratory (LANL) concerning
rehabilitation of land and water contaminated by uranium mining
and milling offered one solution: to zone such areas as forbidden
to human habitation. A report in 1972 by the National Academy of
Science suggested that the Four Corners area be designated a ‘national
sacrifice area.’ Other scientific accounts were completely contrary
to these findings and denied that any significant pollution problems
existed or that adverse health effects could be associated with living in
the region. Though seemingly different in content, all these reports
belie the same prejudice: The land, and by implication the people living
on the land, were better left ignored. That is, neither was worth
saving.
The desecration of sacred lands by uranium mining interests is neverending. A particularly
appalling example became public knowledge in 2008 when newspapers reported
that VANE Minerals, a UK mining company, was petitioning the US government for mining
rights in the Grand Canyon. Granted exploration permits by the US Forest Service, the
company planned to drill at 39 spots located on seven sites within the Kaibab National
Forest between the north and south rims of the canyon (Ayres). Due to expectations that
high grade uranium ore is located in the area, other mining companies are scrambling for
a piece of the action with as many as a thousand claims pending. In an attempt to head off
an ecological catastrophe, environmentalists and Native American tribal leaders challenged
the permits granted to VANE Minerals in the US District Court. The federal judge issued
a temporary restraining order. A full hearing was expected sometime during the second
half of 2008. Opponents to uranium mining in the area cited numerous objections.
Besides irreparably marring one of the natural wonders of the world, the threat to local
widelife was a primary concern. In addition, the Colorado River is the source for agricultural
irrigation for much of the southwest and a major source of drinking water for the city
of Los Angeles and other metropolitan areas in southern California. Contamination of the
river would produce incalcuable harm.
Nuclear colonialism and environmental racism are not unique to the United States.
They are embedded in the mentality that assesses nuclear weapons as appropriate technology
and a reasonable instrument of national defense. All of the major nuclear powers
share a history of ruining the homeland of indigenous populations and exploiting the
inhabitants while questing for the means of nuclear mass destruction. What they have done
while in pursuit of the technology is what they plan to do to their enemies at a moment of
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national crisis.
The homelands of indigenous peoples in Australia, Africa, Asia and North and
South America sit atop 70 percent of the world’s uranium reserves. The hunger of large
mining and energy companies to capitalize on this resource repeatedly has taken precedence
over the interests of traditional landholders. In experiences mirroring those suffered
by Native Americans, mining companies bequeathed to aboriginal societies unreclaimed
mines, mountains of uranium mill tailings, contaminated waterways and an increased incidence
of disease. In the process, native cultures were systematically dismantled as people
were herded off their lands, dispossessed of their sacred sites and forced to abandon their
traditional lifestyles.
What occurred in Australia is a mirror image of the holocaust visited on Native
Americans. When the British claimed sovereignty over Australia, they commenced a 200-
year campaign of dispossession, oppression, subjugation and genocide of Aboriginal peoples.
Describing Australia’s treatment of indigenous people, two judges of the High Court
of Australia once summed the experience as “a national legacy of unutterable shame”
(Muurlink and Sweeney). The colonial mentality that justified the colossal abuse throughout
settlement of Australia was carried into the nuclear age when native rights came into
conflict with the British need for uranium and a remote region to conduct weapon testing.
Thirty-three percent of the world’s economically recoverable uranium reserves are located
in some 50 deposits throughout Australia. Mining companies in Australia, with tacit
approval of the federal government, have aggressively pushed aboriginal peoples off their
lands. In the wake of their operations, they ruined the environment at El Sharana, Moline
and Rum Jungle. Repeatedly, the rights and interests of such groups as the Kokatha,
Martu, Adnyamathanha and Mirarr peoples have been ignored. To quote the Western
Desert people:
The mining companies continue to move over our land destroying our
sacred sites and vegetation as well as disrupting animal life without
consultation with the very people that this affects the most. We have
lived in this land for thousands of years, yet legally we are not permitted
to build permanent structures for housing and by law can be
removed from the land we occupy (Muurlink and Sweeney.)
Mining companies and government officials have repeatedly coerced the
Adnyamathanha people to accept mining operations on their lands. Richard Salvador of
the Pacific Islands Association of Non-Governmental Organizations has painted a stunning
portrait of the types of abuse showered upon these native Australians by those seeking minA
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ing concessions:
Over recent years the process of these mines becoming operational
has seen repeated attacks on the Adnyamathanha people. Women
and men are being physically assaulted in Native Title meetings, in the
presence of lawyers employed under Commonwealth funding grants
to administer Native Title. Children as young as 9 years old are being
sprayed in the eyes with capsicum spray by police at a site of protest,
whilst adults are being confined in police vehicles for up to 7 hours in
40 degree Celsius heat, without water. Public meetings are being held
by mining companies accompanied by armed police and chaired by
the current local member of Parliament. At the request of members
of Parliament, Adnyamathanha people are ‘escorted’ from the meeting
by armed police for demanding an independent Chair. These
experiences are far from peaceful, and do not empower
Adnyamathanha in relation to managing their heritage in a culturally
appropriate manner. Bullying, bribery, emotional and physical abuse,
racism and prejudice are the terms of reference used by the Australian
government, the mining industry, and the legal system. Those
Adnyamathanha who openly challenge the legal system and the government
policies as an inadequate and inappropriate framework for
consultation are punished, marginalized and reputed as “radical” and
“unreasonable” (Salvador, 2002).
The Ranger mine is located in the Northern Territory of Australia within the world
heritage-listed Kakadu National Park. Since 1981, there have been 120 releases and leaks
of contaminated water into the local watershed. Not surprisingly, the health of Aboriginal
people living in proximity of the mine was never assessed. Then in 2006, a paper was published
by the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies which
reported that the incidence of cancer was nearly double the expected rate among people
living in proximity to the mine. In this study, the number of Aboriginal people living in the
Kakadu region diagnosed with cancer were compared to the number of cancers of all
Aboriginal people in the Northern Territory from 1994 to 2003. Among those dwelling
near the Ranger mine, 27 cases of cancer were reported which represented a rate 90 percent
higher than expected (Minchin and Murdoch).
Twenty percent of the world’s uranium is mined in Canada. Some of the uranium
for the Manhattan Project was mined at the government-owned Eldorado Mining and
Refining Company at Port Radium in the Northwest Territories. For three dollars a day,
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men of the Dene community were employed to haul 45 kilogram sacks of uranium ore out
of the wilderness to Fort McMurray. Typically, they carried their burdens 12 hours a day,
six days a week, four months a year (Nikiforuk). “Highway of the Atom” is the name now
given to the 2,100 km trek across the tundra, barge trips down rivers and portages around
rapids. The Dene dwelling near the mine ate fish caught in contaminated dredging ponds.
Their children played in the dust and ore at river docks and portage landings. Women
sewed tents from the sacks used to haul the ore (Nikiforuk). While sailing downstream,
boatmen slept atop the ore. A 1994 federal study on radioactive waste identified an area of
“elevated gamma radiation, due to spillage of uranium ore” which had been routinely used
by a dozen families for hunting, fishing and camping (Nikiforuk). The Dene paid a heavy
price for their service. An aboriginal health survey conducted in 1991 by the government
of Canada found that the community reported twice as much illness as any other Canadian
aboriginal community. Elevated rates of cancer are reported among the male uranium workers.
As outlined by Andrew Nikiforuk, an apparent crime lay at the heart of this tragedy.
Declassified documents from the atomic weapons and energy program in the United States
confirm that official secret talks on the health hazards of uranium mining were discussed
both in Washington and Ottawa. In 1932, even before the Manhattan Project, the
Department of Mines in Canada published studies of the mine at Port Radium, warning
of the hazard of radon inhalation and “the dangers from inhalation of radioactive dust.”
Blood studies of miners confirmed that breathing air with even small amounts of radon was
detrimental to health. Most disturbingly, the ill health which was to befall aboriginal miners
in the US and Canada was predicted in 1942 by Wilhelm C. Hueper, the founding
director of the environmental cancer section of the US National Cancer Institute. After
reviewing 300 years of data collected from uranium and cobalt mining operations in
Europe, he concluded that “radon gas in cobalt mines routinely produced lung cancers that
systematically killed more than half of all miners 10 to 20 years after their employment”
(Nikiforuk). Referring to radium miners at Great Bear Lake in the Northwest Territories
and in the Belgian Congo, Hueper made this dire prediction:
In case the Belgian and Canadian operations should be conducted
without the essential and comprehensive protective measures for the
workers, the prospects for an epidemic-like appearance of lung carcinomas
among their employees can be anticipated in the not-too-distant
future.
According to documents declassified in the US, the Atomic Energy Commission
intervened in Hueper’s work, informing him that talk of the occupational hazards of uranium
mining was “not in the public interest” and “represented mere conjecture.” Nikiforuk
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continues, relating an incident that occurred in the mid-1950s after cancers began being
diagnosed at Port Radium. A government study was conducted which found elevated levels
of radon in the mine and in a second mine at Lake Athabasca. When printed and ready
for release, the authors were ordered by Canadian government officials not to circulate their
document. The follow-up? In 1959, the Canadian Minister of Energy, Gordon Churchill,
made the sickening public statement “that there are no special hazards attached to the mining
of uranium that differ from other mining activities.” In a written history of the
Canadian government’s Eldorado mining company by Robert Bothwell of the University
of Toronto, this revealing statement can be found: “The profound and deliberate falsification
of nuclear hazards began at the top.”
In northern Saskatchewan near Lake Athabasca, rich deposits of uranium have
been mined since the 1940s on land inhabited by the Dene and Cree peoples. The native
populations rely on the land for subsistence hunting. At the Indigenous World Uranium
Summit in 2006, Jamie Kneen of Minewatch Canada reported how uranium companies
during the 40s and 50s routinely dumped uranium mill tailings directly into lakes and rivers.
When dams were later installed to hold back the tailings, contaminated runoff continued
to pollute the environment (Norrell). Investigations have confirmed radionuclide contamination
of the food chain in the area of uranium mining operations and a transfer of this
contamination to native populations as a result of the consumption of wild caribou
(Thomas and Gates).
In the area of Elliot Lake in northern Ontario, the Anishinaabe people have been
adversely affected. The Serpent River watershed, including 80 kilometers of the river and
10 lakes, is highly contaminated as the result of mine operations. In addition to uranium
mining operations, this environmental degradation was created by the rupturing of 30
dams holding back uranium mill tailings and contaminated water. Further environmental
catastrophes at Elliot Lake are related by Moody:
This environmental “bill of account” would not be complete without
some discussion of “accidents” resulting from mine operations at
Elliot Lake. These include unexpected seepages, unintended movement
of solid wastes, dam and dike failures, re-solution, or erosion, of
barium-radium precipitates, waste pipeline breaks, pump failures, a
decant tower collapse, the accidental release of a large volume of sulphuric
acid and release of fine sands in the decant effluents. In 1964,
some 82,000 tonnes of waste drained into Quirke Lake, due to “overtopping”
of the dam. And, in 1979, within a month of the Panel
mine and mill being modernized, a tailings line broke, leading to liqNucl
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uid and solid contamination of Quirke.
In underground mines in Canada, no regulatory upper limit to radiation exposure
was initiated until 1968 (Brooks and Seth). A study of 50,201 Canadian miners working
between 1955 and 1986 disclosed an excess of 120 lung cancer deaths over the 171.8
expected in the nonexposed population (Brooks and Seth).
China’s annexation of Tibet has given it access to major uranium deposits. Rich
deposits are mined in Damshung, north of Lhasa, Qaidam, north of Golmud, Yamdrok
Tso, and Tewe (Dekhang). At Tewe, inhabitants report increased incidence of illness and
deaths caused by polluted streams below the mine (WISE 1993). Tibetan refugees escaping
to India have confirmed these reports, adding stories of mysterious die-offs of domestic
animals and the unexplained withering of trees and grasses (Dekhang). Sun Xiaodi, a
whistleblower from northern China, was under house arrest at the time of the Indigenous
World Uranium Summit in 2006. But his message was smuggled out of China and delivered
to the attendees by Feng Congde of Human Rights China (Norrell). Xiaodi reported
massive uranium contamination from Chinese mines operated in Tibet. At one time,
Xiaodi worked in Uranium Mine number 792. Originally run by the Chinese military from
1967 to 2002, it was transferred into the hands of Longjiang Nuclear Ltd., whose shareholders
were politicians and members of the nuclear ministry. Xiaodi’s written statement
described how the mines routinely released under cover of night untreated, irradiated water
into the Bailong River, a tributary of the Yangtze. Said Xiaodi:
Today, large sweeps of Ansu Province — dotted with sacred sites —
appear to have succumbed to an overdose of chemotherapy. The
Chinese have taken no preventive measures to protect local human
and animal life from uranium contamination.
At present, in our region there are an unusually high number of miscarriages
and birth defects, with many children born blind or malformed.
According to Xiaodi, Tibetan workers have reported that nearly half the deaths in
the region are produced by cancer and immune system disorders. Patients’ medical histories
are routinely falsified by authorities to protect state secrecy.
The uranium first used in French nuclear weapons was acquired from the
Shinkolobwe deposit in the Belgian Congo. As of 1980, 70 percent of France’s uranium
came from Niger and Gabon in West Africa (Kuletz). Other European countries and Japan
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also acquire uranium from these nations for their commercial nuclear power industry. The
mines are run by the French company Cogéma (parent company Areva), but they are not
operated under the same health and environmental regulations enforced within France
(Brooks and Seth). In 2005, Somair and Cominak, the subsidiaries of Cogéma that run the
Niger mines received a rather poor corporate responsibility rating of Level 2 in the environmental
area (on a 4-level scale with 4 being the best rating) from the rating agency
Vigeo. Level 2 stands for Prudent: “The company is dealing with the risks at a minimal
level.” The issues of waste management and rehabilitation of the environment were
important contributors to the earning of this rating. In 2003, representatives of the independent
French monitoring laboratory CHIIRAD made a field trip to Niger to observe the
conditions of the uranium mines at Arlit and Akouta. Members noted the nearly total
absence of any form of waste management. Deposits of waste rock and uranium mill tailings
remained exposed, representing a source of radioactive dust that might migrate
through the environment. Further, they noted the lack of effective restrictions on local residents
scavenging contaminated metal scrap. This became an issue in 2006. The BBC
(BBC News, May 30) reported people living near Arlit were ill as a result of exposure to
radioactive scrap metal. In 2007, in the town of Akokan near the Akouta uranium mine,
radioactive waste rock was being reused for local road construction.
Great Britain’s nuclear weapons program was partly fueled by uranium mined in
Namibia. In the 1970s, Namibia was illegally occupied by South African armed forces. In
1976, the British-Australian mining company Rio Tinto Zinc (RTZ) began illegally mining
uranium at Rössing in violation of a 1974 UN decree that no Namibian natural resources
could be extracted without the consent of the UN Council for Namibia. The decree specifically
included these words:
No person or entity, whether a body corporate or unincorporated,
may search for, prospect for, explore for, take, extract, mine, process,
refine, use, sell, export of distribute any natural resource, whether animal
or mineral, situated or found to be situated within the territorial
limits of Namibia (Edwards 1983).
This decree was totally ineffectual in stopping RTZ’s mining operations. The veil,
behind which the company attempted to hide its operations, was pulled aside in The Plunder
of Namibian Uranium, a United Nations booklet published in 1982:
Mined by virtual slave labor under brutal and unsafe working conditions,
transported in secrecy to foreign countries, processed in unpublicized
locations, marked with false labels and shipping orders, owned
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by a tangle of multinational corporations whose activities are only
partially disclosed, and used in part to build the nuclear power of an
outlaw nation (Edwards 1983).
RTZ’s Rössing mine was notorious for human rights abuses:
Rössing has become synonymous with neocolonialism, the perpetuation
of apartheid, flagrant disregard of international law, and the
symbiotic relationship between civil and military nuclear fuel supplies.
To the United Nations Council on Namibia (UNCN), the mine has
epitomized the illegal seizure of vital resources from a territory until
recently cheated of its independence. To Namibia’s government, led
by SWAPO (South West Africa Peoples’ Organization), Rössing was
the single greatest bulwark of apartheid in the country for over a
decade. To its workforce it is a danger for years to come (Moody).
In the article “Rio Tinto: Founded on Blood,” Sue Boland had this to say:
In every continent where Rio Tinto operates, the story is the same:
land taken from indigenous people without compensation; workers
prevented from freely organizing in trade unions; destruction of the
environment; and cozy relations with politicians, government officials
and dictators.
At its Rössing mine, Rio Tinto maintains racial segregation in company
housing. Black employees are paid rock-bottom wages while their
white counterparts are paid above the maximum of the common
scale, in what is called an inducement band.
In dealing with indigenous peoples’ opposition, Rio Tinto usually
begins negotiations with several indigenous groups. Once it establishes
which group can be bought off, it ceases negotiations with all the
others and claims that it has indigenous support for its project.
As a player in the uranium supply chain, Canada ignored both the UN decree and
the flagrant human rights violations and refined the uranium mined in Namibian at Port
Hope. This little-known fact came to light in the article “Canada’s Nuclear Industry and
the Myth of the Peaceful Atom:”
The practice of refining Namibian uranium at Eldorado’s federally
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owned facility in Port Hope, Ontario, was already well established by
1974, and continued uninterrupted into the 1980s. RTZ’s Canadian
subsidiary, Rio Algom, actually owned 10 per cent of the Rössing
mine, and Falconbridge Nickel — a Canadian subsidiary of Superior
Oil of Texas — had been exploring for uranium in Namibia since the
mid-1970s. The Canadian government did not consider itself legally
or morally bound to obey the UN Council’s decree, or the UN
General Assembly’s 1981 resolution, which specifically requested that
Canada and the other countries involved in the [uranium] cartel “take
measures to prohibit their state-owned corporations, together with
their subsidiaries, from all dealings in Namibian uranium” (Edwards 1983).
The assault on the environment and the lives of indigenous people by uranium mining
pales in comparison to the crimes which accompanied aboveground weapon testing. To
test their weapons, the United States, the Soviet Union, France, Great Britain and China
secured isolated areas, oblivious to the ruin they would produce in aboriginal cultures and
the ecological fabric of the region. The archetypal, most perfect embodiment of environmental
racism, which set the pattern for all subsequent weapon testing was carried out by
the United States in the Marshall Islands. The Marshalls consist of 29 low-lying coral atolls
and five islands in an area of 357,000 square miles of the Pacific Ocean. In 1944, the US
wrested the islands from the Japanese and occupied them for the remainder of World War
II. In 1947, the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands was established by the United Nations
which designated the United States as the administrator. The islands included in the
trusteeship consisted of the Marshall Islands, the Caroline Islands (which include the
islands of Kosrae, Pohnpei, Truck/Chuuk, Yap and Belau), and the Marianas Islands
(which include Guam, Saipan and Tinian) (Salvador 1999). Article six of the Trust
Agreement reads as follows:
The administering authority shall:
1. foster the development of such political institutions as are suited
to the trust territory and shall promote the development of the inhabitants
of the trust territory toward self-government or independence
as may be appropriate to the particular circumstances of the trust territory
and its peoples and the freely expressed wishes of the peoples
concerned; and to this end shall give to the inhabitants of the trust territory
a progressively increasing share in the administrative services in
the territory; shall develop their participation in government; and give
due recognition to the customs of the inhabitants in providing a system
of law for the territory; and shall take other appropriate measures
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toward these ends;
2. promote the economic advancement and self-sufficiency of the
inhabitants, and to this end shall regulate the use of natural resources;
encourage the development of fisheries, agriculture, and industries;
protect the inhabitants against the loss of their lands and resources;
and improve the means of transportation and communication;
3. promote the social advancement of the inhabitants and to this
end shall protect the rights and fundamental freedoms of all elements
of the population without discrimination; protect the health of the
inhabitants; control the traffic in arms and ammunition, opium and
other dangerous drugs, and alcoholic and other spirituous beverages;
and institute such other regulations as may be necessary to protect the
inhabitants against social abuses; and
4. promote the educational advancement of the inhabitants, and to
this end shall take steps toward the establishment of a general system
of elementary education; facilitate the vocational and cultural
advancement of the population; and shall encourage qualified students
to pursue higher education, including training on the professional
level (Trusteeship).
Before the ink had dried, the US was forsaking all pretense of trusteeship. The
tragedy commenced in February 1946. Commodore Ben Wyatt, US Military Governor of
the Marshall Islands, approached King Juda and the 167 residents of the Bikini Atoll and
asked if they would be willing to vacate their island temporarily for the “good of mankind
and to end all world wars” (Guyer). Upon agreeing, the entire population was relocated to
Rongerik Atoll, 125 miles away. Soon after, the US conducted Operation Crossroads in
the Atoll. To test the effectiveness of atomic bombs against naval armadas, two bombs were
detonated in proximity to a fleet of decommissioned vessels. Shot Able was detonated in
the atmosphere above the vessels. Shot Baker was the first atomic bomb set off underwater.
It produced an environmental catastrophe. The explosion jettisoned into the atmosphere
the atomized coral reef and millions of gallons of water vapor, both now made
radioactive by neutron activation, which contaminated the entire lagoon, the islands of
Bikini Atoll and beyond. (In subsequent years, field teams from the University of
Washington studied the web of life at Bikini, documenting the uptake of radionuclides by
plants and animals and the increased concentration of radionuclides in feeders at the top
of the various food chains.)
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While their home was being decimated, the people of Bikini suffered. The US navy
relocated them to Rongerik Atoll. Rongerik was one-sixth the size of Bikini and was uninhabited
due to a lack of water. The food supply was poor. And to top it all off, a native
tradition held that evil spirits roamed the island (Fretwell). Within months of arriving at
their “temporary” home, the Bikinians were starving and begging to go home. Unaware at
that time of the depth of their victimization, they had no idea that their idyllic home had
been irretrievably despoiled. After Crossroads, between 1946 and 1958, the US used Bikini
to test an additional 21 atomic and hydrogen bombs. The infamous Shot Bravo, a 15 megaton
thermonuclear weapon, was detonated at Bikini on March 1, 1954.
In 1948, recognizing the inadequacy of Rongerik for sustaining life, the US temporarily
relocated the Bikinians to Kwajalein Atoll. Six months later, in November, the
entire community was resettled on their permanent home, Kili, in the southern Marshalls.
The adversities they were forced to endure on Kili were many, including typhoons, forest
fires, hunger, isolation and loss of their traditional diet and culture (Fretwell).
At the beginning of the 1970s, the US conducted “cleanup” operations on Bikini.
In what can only be considered a human radiation experiment, the US permitted three
extended families, consisting of just over 100 individuals, to resettle on Bikini in 1973. By
1975, regular radiological surveys revealed that newly planted crops were absorbing and
concentrating radionuclides and that this contamination was being transferred to the
inhabitants. When this information became public knowledge, the Bikinians filed a legal
suit against the US to force a complete radiological survey of Bikini. The US consented to
this investigation, but it procrastinated for three years before starting. All the while, the people
of Bikini were accumulating internal exposure. When alarming levels of cesium-137
were detected in their bodies in 1978, the people of Bikini were evacuated from their homeland.
The people of Bikini were not the only people in the Marshall Islands victimized by
nuclear testing. In addition to the 23 tests at Bikini, 44 tests were conducted at Eniwetok
Atoll. Eniwetok was initially selected as a test site in 1947. In September of following year,
authorization was given by the US government to pay the Eniwetokees $515,360 for their
islands. However, the Atomic Energy Agency refused to make payments without the native
population providing legal proof of ownership (Fretwell). (How do traditional landholders
provide legal proof of ownership?) Although nuclear testing began at Eniwetok in 1948
and the native population was relocated to Ujelang, no payment had been made through
August 1951. Finally, in November 1956, US officials gave the Eniwetok people $25,000
cash and a $150,00 trust fund (Fretwell). Unlike the people of Bikini and Eniwetok, the
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native populations of Rongelap, Ailingnae and Utirik were not permanently resettled.
They were temporarily relocated as fallout from Shot Bravo was passing over their islands
but were then allowed to return.
Many disturbing events surround the Bravo test shot on Bikini. Prior to the test, the
weather was miserable and the possibility existed that the test would have to be cancelled.
At the last minute, the weather improved, but the winds were blowing in the direction of
inhabited islands. Nevertheless, the test took place as scheduled. The fallout from this
hydrogen bomb was horrific, and test personnel were rapidly evacuated from nearby
islands. As the radioactive cloud drifted away from Bikini, it passed over Rongelap, 100
miles away. A radioactive snow of contaminated sand and coral fell to a depth of one and
a half inches on the island. Utirik, 300 miles away, also was heavily contaminated. The
people of these islands were not evacuated for three days. This incident was aptly characterized
with these words: “These (and other) Pacific people were used as human guinea pigs
in an obscene racist experiment — a particularly sharp snapshot of colonialism and the
horrors wrought by the arrogant mindset which goes with it” (Peace Movement Aotearoa).
This is not hyperbole. A report by the Brookhaven National Laboratory had this to say
about Rongelap:
Even though the radioactive contamination of Rongelap Island is
considered perfectly safe for human habitation, the levels of activity
are higher than those found in other inhabited locations in the world.
The habitation of these people on the island will afford most valuable
ecological radiation data on human beings (Fretwell).
Merril Eisenbud, then an official with the Atomic Energy Commission, offered this
racist quip regarding Shot Bravo and the unique opportunity it created for studying radiation
effects in the Rongelap people: “While it is true that these people do not live the way
civilized people do, it is nevertheless true that they are more like us than the mice”
(Taliman).
While recalling memorable proclamations of environmental racism, the following
famous quotation needs to be enshrined. During the 1970s, when Micronesians began
demanding independence, Walter J. Hickel, US Secretary of the Interior, asked Henry
Kissinger his opinion on the subject. Kissinger replied: “There are only 90,000 people out
there. Who gives a damn?” (Katosang).
Rosalie Bertell conducted research on the Rongelap people and provided this telling
anecdote:
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The medical examination of the Rongelap people included many
reports of “monster” and molar births. According to the people, they
actually began to photograph these abnormalities, which at first they
had hidden thinking it was their own fault to have such abnormal
pregnancies. When the photographs were shown to American
researchers, the pictures were seized. They burned them in front of
the people saying: “This is what we think of your evidence.” We
heard this story from many different people on the Atoll (Bertell,
February 1998).
Although buried in the scientific journals, evidence remains of the terrible toll of
death and disease bequeathed to Marshall Islanders from nuclear testing. In exchange for
their innocence, trust and powerlessness, these people received payment in the form of
chronic illnesses, congenital diseases and malformations, miscarriages and stillbirths,
thyroid problems, tumors and cysts, heart problems, reproductive problems, mental and
neurological abnormalities, and adult onset diabetes (Bertell. February 1998).
In the last two decades of the twentieth century, the people of the island nation of
Belau in the Caroline Islands worked to create a nuclear-free zone in Micronesia. Their
sovereignty movement represented decolonization, demilitarization and denuclearization
and was an affront to US interests in the Pacific. Richard Salvador of the Nuclear Age
Peace Foundation wrote these insightful words of how nuclear colonialism is an enemy of
democracy:
The crucial issues to consider here, or in similar nation-building
efforts, are those of democratic principles and military imperatives.
Between 1983 and 1993, Belau peoples exercised their democratic
right to freely express their common wishes in founding a nuclear-free
island nation. In all of these democratic exercises, we said No each
time. US military imperatives overrode all of those No’s and undermined
democratic practice; but this is not something new. Cultures of
militarism and nuclearism are, by nature, cultures of secrecy. They
erode openness and democracy and make indispensable a culture of
death and terror which legitimizes militarism and production and use
of weapons of mass destruction. The theory and practice of nuclear
deterrence have been extremely hostile to democratic practice.
National military strategies have often required the absence of free
democratic thought while, on the other hand, a commitment to
nuclear disarmament and demilitarization will allow communities to
participate more fully in both the political sphere and civil society, in
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working to ensure a world free of the nuclear dangers that confront us
(Salvador 1999).
A contributing factor to the erosion of democracy in America during the second half
of the 20th century was government deception regarding atmospheric weapon testing in
Nevada. Many of the lies referenced in this book took root and blossomed during the 1950s
as a hedge against Americans discovering the extent of radioactive contamination spreading
across their nation. While environmental studies in the Pacific were documenting the
contamination of food chains at Bikini, nonstop detonations were illuminating the sky over
Nevada. Even after strontium-90 was detected in dairy products and in the teeth of children,
the government dodged accountability. Weapon testing took priority over the welfare
of citizens of the homeland, and nuclear colonialism and environmental racism shredded
democratic principles and ideals.
In the early 1950s, the government of the United States seized land belonging to the
Western Shoshone and Southern Paiute peoples to create the Nevada Test Site. The story
of this land grab is succinctly told by Kuletz:
The Western Shoshone land base included the Nevada Test Site,
Yucca Mountain, and beyond (actually 24 million acres). The ‘legal’
claim to the Nevada Test Site area stems from the 1863 Treaty of
Ruby Valley, which is a peace and friendship treaty allowing settlers to
travel through Shoshone territory; not to withdraw it from the Indian
use. The treaty identifies the territory but does not cede the territory
to any US political entity. In the 1970s the US government initially
offered the Western Shoshone a sum of $26,145,189 to buy the land,
but the money still sits in the bank. The Shoshone refuse to accept
money for something they refuse to sell. Not taking ‘no’ for an answer,
the US government, under the auspices of the Indian Claims
Commission, proceeded to accept the money on behalf of the
Western Shoshone so that it (the US government) could proceed with
establishing title to the land. The Western Shoshone see this ruse as
US usurpation of their land, an infringement on their sovereignty that
threatens a fragile cultural identity and survival.
At the Nevada Test Site between 1951 and 1992, a total of 928 nuclear tests were
conducted. Of these, approximately 100 were atmospheric detonations. According to
Chief Raymond Yowell of the Western Shoshone: “We are now the most bombed nation
in the world. The radiation has caused Shoshone, Ute, Navajo, Hopi Paiute, Havasupai,
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Hualapai and other downwind communities to suffer from cancer, thyroid disease and birth
defects” (Taliman). In retrospect, it is apparent that precautions at the Nevada Test Site
were inadequate for protecting these populations. Native Americans living off the land
were not adequately informed that traditional sources of fresh water were contaminated
and that grazing livestock were vulnerable to uptake of hazardous levels of radionuclides.
In the late 1980s, the Department of Energy attempted to calculate radiation exposures
from the Nevada Test Site. Doses were calculated for nine different lifestyle models (George
and Russ). Invisible to this study were the unique lifestyles of the indigenous inhabitants
and the additional routes of exposure to which they were vulnerable (Frohmberg et al.). For
instance, Native Americans of the region routinely hunted and consumed small game such
as wild rabbits. This vector concentrated iodine-131 in the thyroid glands of people in
native communities and was passed on to nursing infants through breast milk (Russ et al.).
It is difficult to find the right word to characterize the raining down of radioactivity
on Americans living downwind of the Nevada Test Site. For that matter, radioactivity was
detected in the Midwest after the Trinity Test in 1944 and students at Rensselaer
Polytechnic Institute in Troy, New York, measured fallout radiation after Shot Simon in
1953. Unbeknownst to the entire population of the United States, everyone was transformed
into a downwinder, vulnerable to greater risks of radiogenic diseases. Clearly, to
use the term “racism” to describe this type of victimization is inappropriate. Perhaps
expressions such as “nuclear despotism” or “nuclear tyranny,” or better yet “nuclear fascism”,
would be more apt for describing the contamination of a people by their own government
or by government subsidized industries. The BIG question is who is profiting
from all this oppression, disease and ruination of the environment. Certainly not the common
man and woman. Then who and for what? Could the answer be so crass as for the
ruthless power of those sworn to an ideology of domination and the greed of a handful of
industrialists, armament makers and energy company czars?
In lockstep with the environmental racism practiced by the United States, Britain
conducted its nuclear testing in its former colony of Australia on the homeland of the
Pitjantjatjara, the Tjarutja and the Kokatha peoples. Between 1952 and 1963, 12 atomic
blasts were detonated and hundreds of minor tests involving radioactive material were conducted.
Seven atomic bombs were set off at Maralinga and two others at Emu Field, both
sites located in the Great Victoria Desert in South Australia. Three additional tests were
conducted on the Monte Bello Islands off the coast of Western Australia. While developing
the means of decimating cities, the British, with full support of the Australian government,
helped decimate Aboriginal culture. Jim Green in his article “Radioactive Racism
in Australia” documents the plight of the indigenous people at the time of British testing.
According to Green:
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The general attitude of white settlers towards Aborigines was profoundly
racist; Aboriginal society was considered one of the lowest
forms of civilization and doomed to extinction. Their land was considered
empty and available for exploitation — ‘terra nullius.’
In his book Fallout – Hedley Marston and the British Bomb Tests in Australia, author Roger
Cross succinctly describes the racism that underlied the British nuclear tests:
Little mention was made of course about the effects the bomb tests
might have on the Indigenous Australian inhabitants of the
Maralinga area, a community that had experienced little contact with
white Australia. In 1985 the McClelland Royal Commission would
report how Alan Butement, Chief Scientist for the Department of
Supply wrote to the native patrol officer for the area, rebuking him for
the concerns he had expressed about the situation and chastising him
for “apparently placing the affairs of a handful of natives above those
of the British Commonwealth of Nations.” When a member of staff
at Hedley Marston’s division queried the British scientist Scott Russell
on the fate of the Aborigines at Maralinga, the response was that they
were a dying race and therefore dispensable.
In harmony with the maltreatment of native populations that started during the
early colonization of Australia, the British subjected native peoples to human rights abuse
and racism, drove them from their tribal lands, incarcerated them in settlements and
demonstrated indifference to their safety and welfare (Varney). In planning and executing
the tests, lands were seized from people who traditionally occupied them. At no time were
these people, who had the most to lose from nuclear testing, consulted. The test sites themselves
and vast tracts around them were permanently damaged, contaminated for millennia,
and no compensation was ever provided. Rehabilitation efforts of the lands were a
sham. What was once homeland was rendered radioactive wasteland.
These acts of environmental racism devastated Aboriginal culture and religion
because of the wrenching disruption they produced between the people and their land.
One can sense the depth of the impact from this observation by Robert Varney:
To Aborigines the land is a spirit entity — a parchment on which their
history is indelibly engraved and where special living places — sacred
sites, have acquired significance as reminders of their past, a past also
relived in the rituals of the Corroboree, the Dreamtime ceremonies,
story telling and initiation. The deep Aboriginal belief that is cenA
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tered on love and honor for the land that has nurtured them, is surely
as profound and as worthy of respect as any other religion.
Varney adds to our understanding of the traditional lifestyle of the Aborigines:
For thousands of years many Aboriginal tribes had lived and evolved
in parts of Australia which, like the Great Victoria Desert that encompassed
Emu Field and Maralinga, were areas that were amongst the
harshest and most unforgiving territories on Earth. But they had
learned to survive by adaptation, having developed a formidable
knowledge of hunting, tracking, food gathering and ability to find
water, and many whites that became lost and without resources owed
their lives to Aborigines who befriended them. Aboriginal tribes lived
a nomadic existence lest one place became over-exploited and its fragile
environment irreparably damaged, their travels following wellworn
routes chosen for their water holes, availability of game and
“bush tucker.”
Profound indifference to the distinctive lifestyles of the Aboriginal people was a root
cause for the crimes that accompanied nuclear weapon testing. Those authorities overseeing
the tests didn’t bother to do their homework and were ignorant of Aboriginal culture,
customs, numbers and distribution (Varney). Although the Monte Bello Islands were uninhabited,
the tests there produced fallout that was blown east over Western Australia. Far
more native people than assumed occupied the great swaths of this land. The fallout contaminated
food and water sources and was responsible for producing radiation sickness and
death.
On October 15, 1953, the Totem I test was detonated at Emu Field. It sent a
radioactive cloud 250 miles northwest over Wallatinna and Melbourne Hill. A report
penned in Britain in 1985 by the Royal Commission reviewing the British Atomic Tests in
Australia concluded that wind conditions at the time of the test were unfavorable and a previous
study had shown that such conditions would produce unacceptable levels of fallout.
Further, the criteria established for carrying out tests failed to take into account possible
contamination to aboriginal people living downwind (Green). The aftermath of this test
was sudden outbreaks of sickness and death in downwind communities. Subsequent to the
Totem I shot, 45 members of the Yankunyathjara were found to be dwelling a mere 170
kilometers from the blast. They reported being enveloped in a black mist soon after the
explosion that rocked their land. As reported in a 1982 issue of Cultural Survival Quarterly,
two days after the test the Yankunyathjara began to experience weakness and skin rashes,
vomiting and diarrhea. By the third day, healthy children became blind. One person of
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the tribe died five days after the blast and more died within the next year. Within 15 years
of the tests, aboriginals and white settlers who were exposed to fallout began suffering and
dying from cancer (Rÿser).
In addition to being ill-informed of Aboriginal numbers, the test authorities failed
miserably to control access by aboriginal groups to the test sites prior to the blasts or preventing
them from entering contaminated areas after the tests. Barristers representing the
Aborigines at the Royal Commission in 1985 characterized security prior to the tests as “an
absolute farce, a total shambles” (Varney). Those who planned the tests at Maralinga were
oblivious to the fact that the detonations were performed on tracts of land crisscrossed by
ancestral migration routes. People routinely traveled over contaminated countryside after
the tests. The slightest appreciation of the distinctive, traditional lifestyles of the Aborigines
would have warned authorities that testing would put these people at risk. The people of
the desert wore minimal clothing and no shoes. They lived off the land, dwelling in the
open or in makeshift shelters. They hunted and gathered wild foods. Blanketing the area
with radionuclides was guaranteed to be an act of genocide.
Measures to insure the safety of indigenous peoples were woefully inadequate. An
insufficient number of native patrol officers were assigned the hopeless task of overseeing
thousands of square kilometers. Signs warning of impending danger were erected at strategic
locations, but these were written in English, a language that few Aboriginal people could
read. Groups found living or migrating through areas likely to be contaminated were
forcibly relocated. Prior to the tests at Maralinga in 1956-57, native groups were relocated
at Yalata, several hundred miles from their tribal lands, where they remained until 1984.
The trauma of dislocation and the loss of their traditional lifestyle resulted in the highest
rate of alcohol-related illnesses and deaths of any Australian community (Barton). The
experience at Yalata for the Aborigines can easily be pictured in this anecdote:
Speaking at a South Australian select parliamentary hearing in 1983,
Hans Gaden who worked at the Yalata Mission in 1952 when he was
responsible for moving the Maralinga Aborigines there, described the
deterioration of living conditions during their stay. He claimed they
should never have been moved South into territory which was so
unlike their tribal lands, and lamented that 31 years later (they were
still there in 1982) it was too late. He told how lack of an employment
incentive (most wanted to work when moved there) made them lazy
and how after 1967 when they could consume alcohol legally, they
were ruined by drink, saying “Full-blooded Aborigines go to pieces
after drinking alcohol.” He talked of their taxi driver supplier saying
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“If I could have found that white man I would probably have shot
him.” Gaden summed up his feelings of Yalata when he said “That
is what had become of the Aborigines from Maralinga. It almost
makes me cry when I see them today. They are not the same people”
(Varney).
Despite forced relocation, evacuation for the tests was later discovered to have been
incomplete. On numerous occasions, native people were found roaming in contaminated
areas, foraging for survival. In one well known incident, a family trekking through the
desert was found camped inside a crater dug out by a nuclear blast. These “unplanned”
exposures destroyed the health and lives of countless Aborigines.
Toward the end of the 1990s, a halfhearted display of cleaning up Maralinga was
carried out, which according to a government document, was “aimed at reducing
Commonwealth liability arising from residual contamination” (Green). Alan Parkinson, a
nuclear engineer and whistleblower, had this to say about the Maralinga cleanup on ABC
radio on August 5, 2002: “What was done at Maralinga was a cheap and nasty solution
that wouldn’t be adopted on white-fellas land” (Green).
In 2007, Green Audit published a health study of descendants of members of the
British Nuclear Test Veterans’ Association (Busby and de Messieres). The study looked at
the veterans’ children and grandchildren and investigated the rates for miscarriages, stillbirths,
infant mortality, congenital illnesses and cancer. These rates were then compared
with national statistics and with the descendants of unexposed controls. Richard Bramhall
of the Low Level Radiation Campaign summarized the results of this study as follows:
The findings are a challenge to conventional estimates of the health
impact of radiation, because high levels of miscarriages, stillbirths
and congenital conditions were found, though cancer was not greatly
elevated.
• Miscarriages were 2.75 times higher than expected,
• Stillbirths were 2.7 times higher than expected,
• The rates for congenital conditions are shocking. In the veterans’
children they are 10 times higher than expected. The grandchildren
have almost as much — an 8.35-fold excess, indicating that
genetic damage is being passed down the generations at an unexpected
rate. Conventional genetic theory would suggest that damage
would be diluted in later generations. The study’s results for congenital
damage are in line with post-Chernobyl animal research that
shows such effects persisting for up to 22 generations. The outlook for
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the future of the veterans’ families is grim.
None of the results correlates with “doses” recorded by the radiation
film badge monitors that some of the servicemen were given to wear
during the tests. Neither do the findings correlate with attendance at
actual explosions, as the genetic damage is present in the descendants
of men who served on test sites only between tests. These men were
nevertheless exposed to fallout inhalation hazards. These two considerations
strongly suggest that the cause of the health problems is
chronic internal radiation, rather than acute external irradiation from
the explosions themselves (Bramhall 2007).
Obviously, the findings of this study have implications for participants of weapon
testing throughout the world and for all people who dwell on lands in proximity to the
world’s test sites. As this study suggests, the deployment of tactical nuclear weapons or limited
nuclear war will produce horrific genetic effects in future generations. The noting of
this consequence is absent from the Hiroshima Life Span Study.
Following the entrenched pattern established by other nuclear powers, France elected
to detonate nuclear weapons in its colonies. As the Algerian War of Independence
raged, France began testing atomic weapons in the Sahara desert at Reganne Oasis, 430
miles south of Colomb-Béchar. During 1960-1961, four atmospheric tests were conducted.
Protests by surrounding African nations, and the fact that radioactivity from the tests
had drifted north into France, forced continued testing underground. Radioactivity is still
a hazard on land around the test site. The Algerian daily paper, Liberté, reported in June
2001 that early mortality of livestock is an ongoing problem (Schmid). At the cessation of
testing, the French buried contaminated equipment and vehicles in the sand. Oblivious to
the hazard, local inhabitants later uncovered the cache and sold it (Schmid). It has been
reported that the health of Berbers, the indigenous people of North Africa, was adversely
affected by the testing (Rÿser). The French have persistently denied any adverse effects to
people or the environment as a result of their testing program. Journalists allowed to study
army archives in 1998, however, retrieved evidence that the tests created a major hazard to
people downwind. According to an article that appeared in Le Nouvel Observateur, fallout
from the 65 kiloton shot Blue Jerboise, the first Algerian test in February 1960, spread to
the atmosphere above the former Fort-Lamy, what is now N’Djamena, the capital of Chad.
A secret report written on July 15, 1960 stated that the air above the city immediately after
the test was 100,000 times more radioactive than normal (WISE 1998). During the last test,
French soldiers participated in maneuvers “under the cloud,” marching to within 100
meters to ground zero 35 minutes after the blast. The purpose was to test protective mateA
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rials and study the psychological response of the troops. The fear that gripped the soldiers
was summarized in a report: “The psychological behavior of the soldier seems to be dominated
by a psychose of fear, susceptible to become an obsession” (WISE 1998). Health
studies of the thousands of participants in the operation were never undertaken. After the
four atmospheric tests, French testing in Algeria moved underground. Between 1961 and
1966, 13 tests were conducted at In Ecker in the Hoggar mountains. Plutonium air dispersion
tests were also conducted in the area.
When France began developing thermonuclear weapons, testing was relocated to
economically dependent, French-occupied Polynesia. French Polynesia is comprised of 118
islands in the South Pacific, covering an area the size of Europe. Between 1966 to 1974, at
the atolls of Moruroa and Fangataufa, 41 atmospheric tests were conducted. This was followed
by 152 underground tests, the last of which was detonated in 1996. As in Algeria, a
ruthless silence has been maintained by the French government regarding the effects of testing
on downwind populations. Official pronouncements persistently portrayed French
nuclear testing as “clean” and radioactive fallout had no effects on the health of the population
of Polynesia (Braddock). This stance was part of a campaign of lies which became
unraveled in a 478-page report presented to the French Polynesia Assembly on February 9,
2006. According to that report, the French suppressed for 40 years “damning proof ” that
each of the 41 atmospheric tests conducted between 1966 and 1974 dumped radioactive
fallout on the populated island of Tahiti, 1,200 miles downwind of the test sites (Braddock).
As reported by World Information Service on Energy (WISE) in “French Nuclear
Tests: 30 Years of Lies,” contamination of unsuspecting innocents commenced with the
first test:
The first French Pacific nuclear test-explosion took place on Moruroa
on July 2, 1966. Sixteen hours later, alarmist messages reached Vice-
Admiral Lorain on the cruiser De Grasse: The cloud was more
radioactive than had been thought, and stayed lower. The wind blew
it towards Mangareva. A day later, a safety official from Mangareva
sent a telegram: “Radioactivity not neglectable. Soil contaminated.
Instructions asked for decontamination and food.” Lorain only sent
the scientific vessel la Coquille, and forbade the dissemination of
information to the population, or to start safety directives. The doctor
on board la Coquille, Millon, wrote a secret report, of which only
two copies exist. The vessel arrived at Mangareva three days after the
test. The first positive results (of measurement of radioactivity) are in
fish and plankton. The fourth day the vessel reaches Rikitea, the
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largest village. Local products were already severely contaminated.
Unwashed salads: 18,000 picocuries per gram, same level as at
Chernobyl on the first day. After heavy rain, soil samples showed levels
of 1,400 picocuries per gram, a still heavy contamination.
Nothing was forbidden (except to disseminate information), nobody
was warned. Millon wrote: “The population [was] completely
unaware, carefree and show[ed] no curiosity” (WISE 1998).
Other damning revelations surfaced about French conduct in the aftermath of the
the first test in the Pacific. A French government minister was observing the detonation
from a nearby island in the Gambier group. An unexpected shift in the wind forced his
immediate evacuation by plane. The inhabitants of the island were left behind and not
informed of the hazard (Kleiner). As the fallout cloud approached the island of
Mangareva, soldiers watched children playing in the sand at the beach. Fully aware that
radioactivity was approaching the island, the soldiers gave no warning to the people. As
characterized in “French Nuclear Tests: 30 Years of Lies:” “To warn the parents would
mean warning the world France was going to poison an inhabited island. So they kept their
mouth shut” (WISE 1998). A report presented to the French Polynesia Assembly in
February 2006 contained invaluable insights into how France attempted to hide the incident.
Research by the non-government Commission of Independent Research and
Information on Radioactivity proved that external exposure to radioactive fallout in the
Gambier Islands was twice the official levels later published (Braddock).
The same pattern of contaminating indigenous inhabitants and keeping silent continued
during further tests in September 1966. Heavy rains contaminated the islands of
Tureia and Mangareva. Measurements of the radioactivity in rainwater sampled from
Mangareva reached 100,000 Becquerels per liter (WISE 1998). The military took no action
to protect the exposed population. According to one officer, the fall of radioactive rain
“necessitates a strengthening of the secrecy” (WISE 1998). The special vulnerability of the
native Polynesians, and their potential for serving as a damning study group further down
the road, were known to test authorities:
Four islands with 1,200 inhabitants were threatened with radioactive
fallout: Reao, Tureia, Pukarua and especially Mangareva with 600
persons. What to do? It became an obsession for the atomic patrons.
To evacuate them would be the best, they were advised by the
Radiological Safety Service (SMSR). But then the media would
know: for political and psychological motives this was out of the question.
The SMSR experts knew the Polynesians were extremely vulA
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nerable to radiation effects. As they wrote: “This population has special
characteristics: isolated, an important fraction is less than 15 years
old, pregnant women, elderly people.” “Higher genetic risks than an
average European population” (WISE 1998).
Between 1962 and 1997, the French employed 15,000 Polynesians to work for the
atomic testing program. Most jobs were menial such as working in kitchens or doing construction.
But other jobs were hazardous, necessitating work that resulted in substantial
radiation exposure. Native Polynesians had no framework for understanding such concepts
as “radiation” and “contamination” (Kleiner). Consequently, they had no way of assessing
the danger in which they were placed. As related in the documentary Moruroa and Us, two
Dutch social scientists, Pieter de Vries and Hans Seur, interviewed 737 former test workers
(Kleiner). When hired, 73 percent were unaware where they would be working. Ten percent
of the work force was 17 years old or younger when they were first hired. Forty-one
percent reported that at some point in their employment they had worked in contaminated
zones. Of these, 14 percent reported that handling contaminated equipment was part of
their job. At times no protective clothing was available. At other times, they were forced
to remove the clothing due to the sweltering heat. Often they conducted their work wearing
nothing more than t-shirts and shorts. Fifty percent of workers reported either being
unfamiliar with personal radiation detection dosimeters or were never issued them
(Kleiner). As a consequence, there is no record of exposures to this population of workers
and no basis for financial compensation for work-related radiation-induced illnesses or for
help in paying for medical treatment. The survey did reveal that 7.4 percent of people
employed at the test site had physically disabled children and 2.4 percent had mentally disabled
children. Being unfamiliar with risks possessed by environmental contamination, the
native work force unknowingly injured itself. For instance, Kleiner describes the following:
The practice of frequently altering the boundaries of contaminated
zones contributed over the course of time to the prohibited area not
being taken seriously. In line with their cultural traditions, Tahitians
often did not observe the restrictive rules. For example, fishing in the
Moruroa lagoons was prohibited, but 55 percent of those interviewed
stated they ate fish caught there. Fishing and the consumption of fish
are an important part of Polynesian culture, and no fresh fish was
available from the canteens.
Until 1998, native workers who became ill while working at the nuclear sites were
treated at military hospitals. As a consequence, patients were prevented from later acquiring
their medical records. Evidence exists that the rate of cancer in Polynesia increased
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subsequent to French weapon testing (Kleiner). By one account, the normal incidence of
cancer in Polynesia is 17 percent. Among former Moruroa workers at the test site, 34 percent
have cancer (Kleiner). In Moruroa and Us, the statistic was presented that 25.7 out of
100,000 Polynesian women contract thyroid cancer while the ratio is only 4.8 per 100,000
in France. Unusually high incidence of leukemia is beginning to appear in the population
as well (Kleiner). Racial discrimination is reported as being a factor in the recognition of
test site-related illnesses. Dr. Gilles Soubiran, an intern at Territorial Central Hospital in
Tahiti relates the following:
I know of one case dealing with a civilian inspector who contracted
cancer and was acknowledged as a cancer victim. His driver, with a
lesser social status, received over many years perhaps the same dose of
radiation and likewise contracted cancer. He was, however, refused
recognition as a cancer victim (Kleiner).
There is no end to the environmental catastrophe created at nuclear test sites. A perfect
example occurred in March 1982. The cyclone William ripped up a layer of asphalt,
under which was buried plutonium. The storm scattered 10 kilograms of the radionuclide
over Moruroa. At the time 2,000 workers at the test site were stationed there. A decontamination
project took five years to complete (Kleiner). What decontamination means
under the circumstances is a debatable question.
The pillaging of the lands and lives of indigenous peoples by nuclear colonialism
and environmental racism is perfectly caught in this observation by Kleiner:
Prior to the commencement of atomic testing, Tahiti was a sleepy paradise
whose people on the whole lived in harmony with nature and in
accord with the laws of its thousand-year-old culture. Within 40
years, Tahiti was catapulted into the modern era through changes
brought on by the atomic tests. Cultural identity was lost; young people
do not even speak the language of their fathers and grandfathers
and no longer understand the old culture. But neither do they have
any prospects in the modern era. With the end of the tests, the largest
employer has left, and France will end its massive financial support in
2006. Future social conflicts can already be foreseen in the slums of
Tahiti’s capital, Papeete, and its neighboring city of Faaa.
The Soviet Union, like the United States, tested nuclear weapons within its own borders
and rained down radioactive fallout on its own people. Of 715 nuclear tests, 467 were
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conducted at the Semipalatinsk Test Site in northeast Kazakhstan. Of these, approximately
116 were atmospheric tests of atomic and hydrogen bombs. Another 224 tests were conducted
on the islands of Novaya Zemlya, an archipelago in the Arctic Ocean north of
Russia. The remaining 24 tests were located at other sites in Russia, Kazakhstan, Ukraine,
Uzbekistan and Turkmenia. Semipalatinsk Polygon, or Semipalatinsk-21, was constructed
in the late 1940s by slave laborers transported from the Gulag. According to James
Lernager in his article “Second Sunset - Victims of Soviet Nuclear Testing,” the test site
was ringed by farms and ranches and hundreds of thousands of people lived within a 50
mile radius. Says Lernager: “The residents of eastern Kazakhstan may have received
more radiation, over a longer period of time, than any other people on Earth.” He then
continues:
Occasionally, some of the largest towns directly bordering the Polygon
would be hurriedly evacuated by military personnel before a test.
Even then, however, 30 to 40 young adults would be ordered to
remain behind and take cover in houses and barns. Those who were
evacuated returned weeks later to an apocalyptic landscape strewn
with damaged homes and dead animals; those who had been forced
to stay were dazed, weak, and feverish, and soon exhibited signs of
acute radiation sickness. Most have since died.
A health crisis plagues the area. As many as 400,000 adults and children were made
sick by radiation (Thompson). Birth defect rates are 10 times those of Europe, America and
Japan (Thompson). Babies are routinely born with severe neurological and physical defects.
Rates of death and disease are staggering, with inordinate occurrences of immune system
disorders, leukemia, anemia and cancer. With water and food sources contaminated, the
death rate from disease is triple that in other parts of the former Soviet Union (Thompson).
Many people are afflicted simultaneously with a number of rare diseases (Lernager). From
the time of testing, third-generation newborns have been found to have higher rates of
chromosome abnormalities than those found in the first two generations (Lernager). As
after Chernobyl, civilian doctors were forbidden to enter into the medical records of their
patients any illnesses caused by radiation exposure. Officially, the Semipalatinsk region has
the lowest rate of cancer in Kazakhstan (Lernager). But the director of the Oncology
Hospital in the area estimates that at least 60,000 people died from radiation-induced cancer
(Lernager). In the village of Seriqkaisha, 20 miles from Semipalatinsk, almost every
family is afflicted with some type of radiation-induced illness (Chance). Various types of
deformities are common. The suicide rate in the region is one of the highest in the world
(Chance). In the village of Dolon, radiation produced a high incidence of cancer, birth
defects, nervous system disorders and immunological deficiencies (Makhijani 1999).
Nucl e a r C o l o n i a l i s m
423
Between 1955 and 1990, the USSR tested nuclear weapons in the Arctic at Novaya
Zemlya. In addition to typical atmospheric and underground tests, they conducted three
underwater tests. Other so-called “peaceful nuclear explosions” were detonated in the
1980s for seismic studies, mining, experiments in diverting rivers and attempts to extinguish
oil-field fires. This testing contaminated vast tracts with radioactive fallout. The impact to
health of indigenous people from nuclear testing is not known. However, an association is
expected between testing and diseases typical of radiation exposure at Chukotka, northern
Yakutiya, Kolguyev Island and the Kola Peninsula (Dallmann). The indigenous people
affected include the Nenets, Avars, Sami, Vepsians, Karelians and Komi.
Both inside and outside Russia, the Arctic is home to some four million inhabitants.
Indigenous peoples form approximately one-third of this population. Fallout from nuclear
testing contaminated the lichen-caribou-man food chain, making subsistence hunting a
hazard to health. The risk borne by circumpolar peoples of increased incidence of radiogenic
diseases was compounded by contamination from Chernobyl and radioactive pollution
from nuclear reprocessing facilities in Europe. This was revealed in a 1998 study by
the Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Program located in Oslo, Norway (WISE 1999).
Four hundred scientists and administrators assessed the health and environmental impact
of nuclear pollution in the eight countries that rim the Arctic: Canada, Denmark, Finland,
Iceland, Norway, Russia, Sweden and the United States. The study established that,
between contamination of reindeer and “unique features of Arctic terrestrial and freshwater
ecosystems,” indigenous peoples were particularly at risk for radiation-induced illnesses.
Among this population, some groups are among the most exposed people in the world. For
instance, in Norway, reindeer meat was found to contain 500 - 2,500 becquerels of cesium-
137 per kilogram. This was the primary reason why indigenous people of the area had levels
of internal contamination 50 times above the norm (WISE 1999). To serve as a basis of
comparison, the Japanese government has established as a standard that the maximum concentration
of cesium in food cannot exceed 370 Bq per kg (WISE 1999).
Since 1964, the People’s Republic of China has conducted 45 nuclear tests at Lop
Nur, located in western China in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region. This densely
populated area is the ancient cultural center of eastern Turkestan and is the homeland of
the Uighur people. To these local inhabitants, nuclear testing created a nightmare from
which they have yet to emerge. The successive radioactive fallouts from the tests contaminated
drinking water and food supplies and are thought by local observers responsible for
the deaths of millions of animals and more than 200,000 people (SOTA). Official government
figures are not available to substantiate this claim, but the Chinese government has
conceded that deaths did occur (SOTA). Local people claim that since 1975, the incidence
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424
of leukemia has increased sevenfold and the incidence of cancer of the esophagus between
seven- and eight-fold. Pregnancy and birthing problems have increased by similar rates
(SOTA). In 1988, allegations were made that 20,000 deformed children lived in areas near
Lop Nur (SOTA). Fallout from Chinese nuclear tests drifted over Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan
and Tajikistan, but the human and ecological impact has not been systematically assessed.
In addition to uranium mining, China has constructed in Tibet facilities for producing
nuclear weapons. The environmental impact from these activities has been horrendous.
Gonpo Thondup addressed this issue at the World Uranium Hearing in Salzburg,
Germany, on September 14, 1992. Thondup, who escaped from Tibet to India in 1987,
visited two nuclear weapons production departments code numbered 405 in Kyangtsa and
792 in Thewo, Amdo region (Central). In his statement, he offered the following observations:
The effects of experiments and waste from 792 and 405 have been
devastating. Before 1960, in this region of Amdo, harvests were plentiful
and domestic animals healthy. Now the crop yield has shrunk
and people and animals are dying mysteriously, and in increasing
numbers. Since 1987 there has been a sharp rise in the number of
deaths of domestic animals and fish have all but vanished. In the
years of 1989 and 1990, 50 people died in the region, all from mysterious
causes. Twelve women gave birth in the summer of 1990, and
every child was dead before or died during birth. One Tibetan
woman, Tsering Dolma (aged 30), has given birth seven times and not
a single child has survived.
The people living near departments 405 and 792 have experienced
strange diseases they have never seen before. Many local people’s skin
turned yellowish and their eyesight has been affected seriously. The
local populace reported strange memory losses and many babies are
born deformed. The people of the area are desperate and can only
turn to religion and local doctors who have no knowledge of the uranium
mines or of the nuclear plants nearby (Dekhang).
Little is known of the human and environmental costs produced by the weapon testing
of other countries. India was detonated five or six underground tests at Pokhran.
Pakistan detonated between three and six weapons at Chagai Hills. North Korea detonated
one weapon, deemed a failure by the CIA, at Hwadae-ri in October 2006. Either Israel
or South Africa, or perhaps the two countries working jointly, are likely responsible for detonating
a nuclear weapon in the Indian Ocean on September 22, 1979 in what is now
Nucl e a r C o l o n i a l i s m
425
referred to as the Vela Incident.
The destruction of indigenous cultures forever silences ancient wisdom. This might
serve to explain the senseless radioactive contamination of the Earth that we are witnessing
today. Perhaps the New World Order can only take root on desecrated lands. In this vein,
deep insight may be garnered from this aboriginal voice:
The Great Spirit has instructed us that we have a sacred bond with
our Mother Earth and an obligation to the creatures who live upon it.
This is why it is disturbing that the federal government and the
nuclear power industry seem determined to ruin forever some of the
few lands we have left (Thorpe).
The intractable problem of the disposal of radioactive waste completes the tragedy
of humankind’s nuclear odyssey. For the selfish, short-term gain of a few, the Earth and all
life has been yoked with a burden that will take millennia to dispel. When the nuclear age
was in its infancy, the problem of caching radioactive waste was recognized. Rather than
solving the problem before creating millions of tons of the stuff, the nuclear powers raced
to exploit the atom in the belief that technology would catch up and solve the problem. A
half-century later, radioisotopes never before present on the Earth are aloft upon the winds
and floating in the waters. The terrible mentality that grips the earth finds this state of
affairs acceptable and makes every effort to perpetuate it.
To date, this terrible mentality has only conceived of one storage solution: to permanently
annex lands once belonging to aboriginal peoples and cordon off forever these
regions as zones of permanent sacrifice. Witness here the logical end of every act of
nuclear colonialism: the transformation of homelands into wastelands. The argument is
often made that humankind must accept the tradeoff, that to reap the benefits of nuclear
power or political security we all need accept the burden posed by radioactive waste. This
argument is fallacious. Who is really profiting from this state of affairs? In the long run,
who benefits from a contaminated Earth littered with poisoned water, poisoned air and poisoned
creatures? Some amongst us either must be plagued by a primitive mentality that
cannot realistically assess the damage already done or they somehow stand to benefit from
the state of affairs they created. Such pondering, as this whole book intends, points to
hearts of darkness, hearts working, both intentionally and unintentionally, to consume us all.
In the United States, transuranic waste from the nuclear weapons program began
arriving in 1999 at the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant (WIPP) near Carlsbad, New Mexico.
Radioactive waste from commercial nuclear power plants is tentatively scheduled to start
A P r i m e r i n t h e A r t o f D e c e p t i o n
426
arriving at Yucca Mountain, inside the Nevada Test Site, in 2017. This despite heated controversy
that the facility is ill-conceived and located in an geologically unsuitable area. [The
Bow Ridge fault runs directly beneath the site, and since 1976 there have been 621 seismic
events within a 50-mile radius of magnitude 2.5 or greater on the Richter scale (Attewill)].
As an interim measure, “temporary” storage sites have been sought on lands belonging to
Native Americans. In 1987, the Office of Nuclear Waste Negotiator was created by
Congress for the purpose of opening a federally monitored retrievable storage site for highlevel
nuclear waste. As related by Kevin Kamps in “Environmental Racism, Tribal
Sovereignty and Nuclear Waste,” the nuclear negotiator proceeded to contact every federally
recognized tribe in the country, offering huge sums of money to first consider and then
ultimately host a dump. Of the hundreds of tribes contacted, only about two dozen were
eventually “courted” by the negotiator (Kamps). During the process the nuclear negotiator,
David Leroy, suggested that Native Americans would be excellent stewards of the
nation’s radioactive waste due to their reverence for the environment and long tradition of
valuing the land:
The heritage which reveres the environment often can perceive, in
very subtle and very significant ways, how necessary and how appropriate,
and how environmental the call for the safe storage of spent
fuel is for many generations of Americans yet unborn — native and
non-natives. That environmental sensitivity is a great asset because
we are asking to create an environmentally sensitive facility for an
environmentally sensitive mission (Erlich).
The ploy to use Native American impoverishment as a lever to acquire a dump site
did not fool anyone. Grace Thorpe in “Radioactive Racism? Native Americans and the
Nuclear Waste Legacy” had this to say:
The US government targeted American Indians (for nuclear waste
disposal) for several reasons: their lands are some of the most isolated
in North America, they are some of the most impoverished and, consequently,
most politically vulnerable and, perhaps most important,
tribal sovereignty can be used to bypass state environmental laws.
How ironic that, after centuries of attempting to destroy it, the US
government is suddenly interested in promoting American Indian sovereignty
— just so it can dump its lethal garbage! All Indian treaties
and agreements with the US government have been broken. Today’s
Indians remember yesterday’s broken promises. The Indians cannot
trust the federal government and certainly cannot trust the nuclear
industry whose driving force is monetary profit.
Nucl e a r C o l o n i a l i s m
427
Due to fierce community resistance within the targeted tribes, the nuclear negotiator
failed in his mandate to acquire land for a dump. As a consequence, the Office of
Nuclear Waste Negotiator lost its funding and was dissolved by Congress in 1994. The
hope of exploiting Native Americans’ economic vulnerability, however, did not end there.
A consortium of 33 nuclear power utilities began exerting pressure on the Mescalero
Apache Tribe in New Mexico. When this came to naught, a coalition of eight utilities
under the name of Private Fuel Storage began working on the Skull Valley Goshutes in
Utah. Over the years, the nuclear power establishment had targeted 60 Native American
communities as possible sites for a waste repository. Fifty-nine of these had successfully
rebuffed their overture (Kamps 2006). But the Skull Valley Goshutes became the one
exception. The small tribe of approximately 125 individuals was economically depressed
and already encircled by toxic polluters. Kevin Kamps paints a clear picture of the tribe’s
plight:
The reservation is already surrounded by toxic industries.
Magnesium Corporation is the nation’s worst air polluter, belching
voluminous chlorine gas and hydrochloric acid clouds; hazardous
waste landfills and incinerators dot the map; with a name straight out
of Orwell’s 1984, Envirocare dumps “low level” nuclear waste in the
next valley and is applying to accept atomic trash hundreds of times
more radioactive than its present license allows. Dugway Proving
Ground has tested VX nerve gas, leading in 1968 to the “accidental”
killing of 6,400 sheep grazing in Skull Valley, whose toxic carcasses
were then buried on the reservation without the tribe’s knowledge, let
alone approval. The US Army stores half its chemical weapon stockpile
nearby, and is burning it in an incinerator prone to leaks; jets from
Hill Air Force Base drop bombs on Wendover Bombing Range, and
fighter crashes and misfired missiles have struck nearby. Tribal members’
health is undoubtedly adversely impacted by this alphabet soup
of toxins. Now PFS wants to add high-level nuclear waste to the mix
(Kamps 2001).
Tribal Chairman, Leon Bear, had this to say of the tribe’s plight:
We can’t do anything here that’s green or environmental. Would you
buy a tomato from us if you knew what’s out here? Of course not. In
order to attract any kind of development, we have to be consistent
with what surrounds us (Kamps 2001).
In 1996, without approval by the tribal council, Bear signed a lease agreement with
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Private Fuel Storage. The agreement opened the door for the “temporary” storage of
40,000 tons of commercial high-level radioactive waste. This amount represented approximately
80% of the commercial irradiated fuel in the US up to the end of 2004 (Kamps
2005). Aside from the three-member executive committee of the tribe, no one else was
informed as to the amount of money involved in the transaction. Says Kamps: “Estimates
of the secretive payoff to the tribal council range from 60 to 200 million dollars.” The
Nuclear Regulatory Commission, which licensed the dump, ruled that the dump did not
violate principles of environmental justice because the tribe was being well rewarded financially
and the dump represented “no disproportionately high and adverse impacts on low
income or minority populations” (Kamps, 2001). Eventually, the scheme of Private Fuel
Storage came to naught. On September 7, 2006, the US Bureau of Land Management
rejected the proposed plans to ship commercial radioactive waste across the country to Skull
Valley. The US Bureau of Indian Affairs also interceded, rejecting the lease agreement
signed privately by Leon Bear. With Skull Valley kaput, the last remaining hope for a permanent
repository for the nation’s commercial radioactive waste is Yucca Mountain, sacred
land of the Western Shoshones and legitimate owners of the land as outlined in the Treaty
of Ruby Ridge.
The nuclear behemoth’s radioactive waste is subjugating the entire globe under
nuclear colonialism and marginalizing all of humankind. With the Earth our shared home,
all acts which contaminate the Earth are acts of environmental racism, perpetrated by the
nuclear policymakers against everyone else. In the 16 countries where uranium is mined,
millions of tons of radioactive mill tailings remain uncovered, allowing radionuclides to be
swept into the air or washed into waterways. British Nuclear Fuel’s Sellafield reprocessing
facility dumps radioactive waste directly into the Irish Sea. Cogéma’s reprocessing facility
at La Hague in France dumps one million liters of liquid radioactive waste, the equivalent
of 50 waste barrels, into the ocean every day (Greenpeace 2000). Russia has scuttled
decommissioned naval vessels, sending loaded nuclear reactors to the ocean floor. Between
1949 and 1956, the nuclear weapons complex at Chelyabinsk in the former Soviet Union
dumped 96 million cubic meters of radioactive liquid into the Techa River (WISE 1990).
The facility also pumped 120 million curies of radioactivity into Lake Karachay. Standing
on the shoreline, a person would receive a lethal dose of 600 roentgens in one hour (WISE
1990). Water levels at the lake have been steadily dropping for years and parts have dried
out completely. Winds have lofted radioactivity into the air, spreading contamination
around the planet. At the Hanford Reservation in Washington state, one third of the 177
tanks holding 54 million gallons of high-level waste are leaking. Nearby underground
aquifers contain an estimated 270 billion gallons of contaminated water (Wolman). Also at
Hanford, 40 billions gallons of contaminated water was dumped directly into the soil and
Nucl e a r C o l o n i a l i s m
429
storage ponds are leaking. As a result, radioactive waste is migrating into the Columbia
River. At the former West Valley reprocessing facility 50 miles south of Buffalo, New York,
radioactive and chemical wastes continually leach into Cattaraugus Creek. For 18 miles,
the creek flows along the Cattaraugus Reservation of the Seneca Nations of Indians before
emptying into Lake Erie (Concerned Citizens). Cesium-137 and strontium-90 contaminate
soil and groundwater in and around the 3,345 acre site. The Department of Energy is
attempting to change its regulations to declassify high-level radioactive waste into “waste
incidental to reprocessing.” Under this new classification, environmental contamination
would be allowed to remain in the ground (NIRS 2004). DOE favors covering up contaminated
areas with concrete and walking away (Coalition). This despite the fact that a 1996
study by DOE calculated that within 500 years radionuclides from West Valley would begin
migrating into the Great Lakes Watershed (Coalition).
An entire book on the subject could be written, but the point need not be belabored.
A profound disconnect exists between those people knowledgeable about the hazards of
radiation and those responsible for making day-to-day decisions on nuclear waste management.
As a result, radioactivity is being flushed into ecosystems around the world with total
abandon as to the consequences. This is a doomsday scenario produced by profit-seekers
and government bureaucrats unwilling or unable to appreciate the environmental consequences
of their actions and their ignorance.
If and when the Yucca Mountain repository opens, large sectors of the United
States will come under the dominion of nuclear colonialism. By 2010, 63,000 metric tons
of commercial irradiated fuel will be in temporary storage at nuclear power plants around
the country. To reach Nevada, this material will require transport across 44 states. This
scenario sets the stage for “mobile Chernobyls.” A single transport accident could be catastrophic.
An alternative scenario, admittedly of low probability, is even more disturbing.
In the event of major social upheaval due to war or natural catastrophe, services may be
severely interrupted. Such unforeseen circumstances might force the abandonment of the
spent nuclear fuel currently stored at the nation’s nuclear power plants. One hundred and
three zones of sacrifice would be created, remaining lethal to all life for hundreds of thousands
of years. With the passage of time, this neglected waste would leach from storage
and migrate into the environment. With nuclear reactors located near large volumes of
water, radioactivity will be widely dispersed around the globe. This is a not an unreasonable
epitaph for the nuclear age.
When hearing of the plight of indigenous people overwhelmed by nuclear coloA
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430
nialism and environmental racism, uninformed or indifferent Americans may blithely carry
on their lives, failing to recognize their kinship to these marginalized people. Take as an
example the nuclear weapon hydrodynamic testing, conducted at Lawrence Livermore
Nuclear Laboratory (LLNL) 50 miles east of San Francisco. Since 1961, weapon engineers
have performed these open-air tests to gauge the reliability of the metal pit primaries within
nuclear weapons. These cores consist of a sphere of fissionable material surrounded by
a jacket of high explosives. When detonated, the shaped charge compresses the highly
enriched uranium or plutonium sphere in such a geometry as to initiate a chain reaction.
At GlobalSecurity.org, the design of the devices being tested are described in this way:
Hydroshot tests are conducted to test the hydrodynamic performance
of the shaped explosives used in the ordnance. The explosive device
used in the hydroshot testing comprised an explosive charge shaped as
a hemisphere, about half the size of a basketball and weighing from
1-3 kg (2.2 to 6.6 lb). The explosive charge was surrounded by a DU
ring about 1-2 inches in height and weighing about 22 kg (48.5 lb).
The purpose of the DU ring was to simulate the hydrodynamic conditions
in a fully spherical weapon (GlobalSecurity.org,
Hydrodynamic).
As to the purpose of hydrodynamic testing, this is summarized as follows:
In these types of experiments, test assemblies that mock the conditions
of an actual nuclear weapon are detonated using high explosives. In
hydrodynamic testing, non-fissile isotopes, such as uranium-238 and
plutonium-242, are subjected to enough pressure and shock that they
start to behave like liquids (hence the ‘hydro’ in hydrodynamic).
Radiographs (x-ray photographs) can be used to obtain information
on the resulting implosion; computer calculations based on these test
results are used to predict how a nuclear weapon would perform.
Multiple view hydrodynamic testing (experiments to look at the flow
of adjacent materials as they are driven by high explosives) and
dynamic testing (experiments to study other effects of high explosives),
combined with computer modeling, provide the only means of
obtaining design data in the absence of nuclear testing.
Hydrodynamic tests and dynamic experiments have been an historical
requirement to assist in the understanding and evaluation of
nuclear weapons performance. Dynamic experiments are used to
gain information on the physical properties and dynamic behavior of
Nucl e a r C o l o n i a l i s m
431
materials used in nuclear weapons, including changes due to aging.
Hydrodynamic tests are used to obtain diagnostic information on the
behavior of a nuclear weapons primary (using simulant materials for
the fissile materials in an actual weapon) and to evaluate the effects of
aging on the nuclear weapons remaining in the greatly reduced stockpile.
The information that comes from these types of tests and experiments
cannot be obtained in any other way (GlobalSecurity.org).
These tests, conducted at Site 300, 15 miles southeast of LLNL, have produced one
of the most contaminated areas in the United States. In 1990, the Environmental
Protection Agency designated Site 300 as a federal “Superfund” site requiring remediation.
The soil and groundwater are polluted with a mixture of chemical and radioactive wastes
comprised of solvents, tritium, depleted uranium, heavy metals and high explosive residue
(Tri-Valley). In the past, LLNL has been limited to exploding 1,000 pounds of uranium
annually. In April 2007, an application to increase this amount to 8,000 pounds was submitted
to the San Joaquin County Pollution Control Board and subsequently approved.
Relevant to the thesis of this book is the fact that during hydrodynamic testing, the
depleted uranium metal in the test assemblies is aerosolized in the explosions into ultrafine
spheres of insoluble ceramic uranium oxide. This material is identical to that released on
the battlefield by uranium munitions. Thrust airborne, this material is ferried by the winds
into the Bay Area and Central Valley. Seven million people live within a 50-mile radius of
Site 300, and 5,500 new homes are to be built within a mile of the testing range (Tri-Valley).
Given the demographics, there is a “coincidence” that needs pondering. Marin County,
just north of San Francisco, has one of the highest incidences of breast cancer in the world!
A study published in Breast Cancer Research had this to say:
From the inception of the Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End
Results (SEER) national cancer registry network in 1973, Marin
County, California, a small county near San Francisco, has consistently
reported higher than average annual incidence rates of breast cancer.
Averaged from 1973 to 1999, Marin County reported the highest
overall breast cancer incidence rate of the 199 counties included
in the SEER database (based on the SEER 9 November 2001 submission
released April 2004). In recent years, reports of rapidly increasing
breast cancer rates in Marin County attracted public and media
attention. These reports suggested that overall age-adjusted incidence
rates of invasive breast cancer in non-Hispanic white (nHW) women
living in Marin County had increased approximately 60% between
1990 and 1999, as compared to 5% in surrounding regions. These
A P r i m e r i n t h e A r t o f D e c e p t i o n
432
trends have resulted in Marin County having one of the highest incidence
rates reported in the world and have prompted public and scientific
concern (Phipps et al.).
In conclusion, our ears need to open to the story of the Nuclear Age as recounted
by displaced and exploited aboriginal people around the globe. Their narrative gives new
perspective to current events, for it unabashedly reveals that the testing and deployment of
uranium weapons in the Middle East is just another incarnation of nuclear colonialism. In
the quest to appropriate oil reserves rightfully belonging to others and to remake the region
into one friendly to the New World Order, the United States is experimenting with the subjugation
of populations by blanketing their homeland with radioactivity and depopulating
the region through radiogenic sickness and genetic deformities. That this method of warfare
is directed primarily against Afghani and Arab Muslims makes this campaign a blatant
expression of environmental racism. Conventional weapons could easily have accomplished
all the goals so far achieved by DU weaponry. But uranium weapons produce
heightened effects. They significantly enhance the kill ratio per weapon both in space and
in time. They produce terror in the population. And they render the environment inhospitable
to its native inhabitants.
If we are not heedful, nuclear colonialism may ultimately culminate in the subjugation
of all of mankind. Nuclear weapons may be the instrument of choice for herding terrified
humanity, terrified by limited nuclear wars or terrorist threat, into embracing the new
order of a world government. The creators and sustainers of the infernal weapons will posture
as the deliverers of eternal peace. In exchange for enduring safety and security, the
small price demanded will be the surrender of our liberty.
No different from the devotees of Baal in antiquity, the devotees of nuclear and radiological
weapons will be memorialized as nothing other than worshippers of false gods,
dutifully and joyfully throwing human unfortunates into blazing fires to serve as sacrificial
offerings. The religion of the Cult of Nuclearists will be reconstructed as one in which
aggrandizement over God was repeatedly asserted through the dark and sacred rite of
unleashing over the surface of the Earth the Creator’s secret energy bound within matter.
By their deeds, the members of this brotherhood will be known: how they walked upon the
Earth in arrogance, intoxicated with their own power; how living things seemed paltry in
their eyes so as not to sway them from sickening whole populations with their radioactive
poisons and degrading the life-sustaining capacity of nature; how they did not flinch from
cataclysmic warfare that decimated civilizations, corrupted the gene pool of their species
and made the surface of the Earth a habitat of pestilence and decay.
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Censored News is published by censored journalist Brenda Norrell. A journalist for 27 years, Brenda lived on the Navajo Nation for 18 years, writing for Navajo Times, AP, USA Today, Lakota Times and other American Indian publications. After being censored and then terminated by Indian Country Today in 2006, she began the Censored Blog to document the most censored issues. She currently serves as human rights editor for the U.N. OBSERVER & International Report at the Hague and contributor to Sri Lanka Guardian, Narco News and CounterPunch. She was cohost of the 5-month Longest Walk Talk Radio across America, with Earthcycles Producer Govinda Dalton in 2008: www.earthcycles.net/
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